The recently published ‘Fields of Britannia’ project has lent a measure of support to the idea that the patterning of woodland and open land evident in the Anglo-Saxon period may in part have persisted since Roman times, if not before. This article explores the potential value of these woodland and open land contrasts in explaining the locations and distribution of a variety of Roman cultural material: coins, military installations and early road alignments.

The ancient sources for the location of Thule are reviewed.1 It is suggested that the identification of the Shetland Isles as Thule was an error by Agricola. The identification was then accepted by Ptolemy, who moved Thule from the more northerly location implied by Pytheas’ account to the site of the Shetland Isles. This would account for his description of Thule/Shetland as one island. The coincident location of Ptolemy's Thule with Shetland suggests that the Roman fleet did see the islands. The emendations of Wolfson relating to Thule are examined and rejected. There is no evidence that Agricola's fleet landed in Shetland.

Recent research projects, publications, and above all the results of developer-funded archaeology provide materials for a re-assessment of the impact of Hadrian's Wall on the indigenous peoples whose lands it transected. Previous analysis has been concerned with the greater or lesser degree of ‘Romanisation’ of an Iron Age society perceived as little changed under Roman rule, with the Wall seen as a bureaucratic border running through an homogeneous frontier zone, as described by C.R. Whittaker. Although the local settlement pattern survived the original Flavian conquest of the region intact, it is now apparent that the building of the Wall under Hadrian had profound and far from benign consequences for local people. To the north of the barrier the traditional settlement pattern was largely abandoned and new social authorities emerged, while to the south there is evidence for new economic structures imposed from outside and the settlement of immigrants. The paper considers the extent to which these developments were the outcome of conscious policies by the Roman authorities.

The Cawthorn encampments in North Yorkshire (FIG. I) have found wide publication as ‘practice forts’ with attendant construction camps following their investigation by the late Sir Ian Richmond in the 1920s. The fundamental reason for his interpretation of Cawthorn as the site of military manoeuvres rather than as a normal fort site was its alleged unsuitability for permanent occupation coupled with apparently unfinished defences. However, it has recently been postulated that Camp D, the most regularly laid-out of the four, represents an auxiliary fort. This suggestion does not contravene the evidence; indeed, Camps A and B (the secondary enlargement of A) need no more be connected with manoeuvres than Camp D. One of the major objections to their being regular forts is based upon the presence of ballistaria. Richmond used these as proof that legionaries rather than auxiliaries were involved at Cawthorn; certainly, it seems that the auxilia were not equipped with artillery in the first and second centuries a.d., SO that artillery-platforms at this date should indicate the presence of legionaries. The conclusion that the encampments are not regular forts but practice-works is reinforced by the fact that none of the ballistaria is situated at a strongly defensive position. Thus, the application of Richmond's hypothesis to Camps A and B appears to be sound. Nevertheless, it represents the only evidence that the Romans ever built forts specifically for practice. Although practice camps are abundant both in the archaeological record and in the literary sources, nowhere are practice forts attested.

A black mineral amulet in the form of a human bust is the only one of its kind so far found in Britain. Found c. 1900 during brick-making, it probably came from the burial of a young female. The authenticity of its provenance, context and associated finds is reviewed in the light of other grave groups, and its iconography and use are compared to those of other black mineral amulets from Britain and the Continent. Supplementary material available online (https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068113X20000094) comprises a short biography of Henry Money and a catalogue of beads.

The abandonment of the Roman occupation of Scotland in the governorship of Julius Verus is seen as deliberate, ordered and, so far as we can see, peaceful. It is argued that the withdrawal is linked to an ongoing shortage of military manpower in Britain, brought to a head by the transfer in a.d. 158 of legionary vexillations to the German provinces (attested by RIB 1322) to assist with the reconfiguration of the frontier there.

This contribution presents the first overview of an integrated remote-sensing survey undertaken across Harpham Roman Villa, East Yorkshire, and its wider landscape setting. The survey revealed one of the largest Roman courtyard complexes in northern Britain, nestled within an impressive crossroads system that formed part of a multiphase ‘ladder settlement’. The paper considers the impact of the results on both our understanding of this unique landscape and broader methodological approaches to the study of rural settlement in Roman Britain.

Excavation of the latest surviving structures of the villa at Batten Hanger in West Sussex indicates that a large aisled building was demolished in the late fourth or fifth century and replaced by a large hall 31.6 m long by 11.5 m wide, orientated approximately east–west. The survival of pad stones shows this space to have been divided into seven bays, with the more westerly bays screened off by a cross wall. The east wall of the building had collapsed outwards and was largely complete. A coin of Valentinian III suggests that occupation continued at least to the middle of the fifth century. The Supplementary Material available online (http://journals.cambridge.org/bri) contains a detailed presentation of the coin hoard and the pottery assemblages.