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A Hungarian Josephinist, Orientalist, and Bibliophile: Count Karl Reviczky, 1737–1793

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  15 April 2014

Michael O'Sullivan
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Extract

Amid the preparations for the abortive Russo-Ottoman peace talks at Fokschan in April 1772, Anton Wenzel Kaunitz instructed the Austrian Internuntius in Istanbul, Franz Maria Thugut, to elect a colleague to accompany him to the congress. Kaunitz, eager to maintain Austria's unique relationship with both belligerent parties, suggested two young orientalists, Bernhard von Jenisch and the Hungarian noble Karl Reviczky as suitable companions. In character with many thirty-somethings in the Habsburg bureaucracy in the 1770s, Thugut, Jenisch, and Reviczky were fluent in Arabic, Persian, and Ottoman Turkish and possessed an exceptional knowledge of Ottoman affairs. As members of the Austrian embassy to the Ottoman Porte, they had each spent long sojourns in Istanbul. The recruitment and education of such men had been one of Kaunitz's priorities since the 1750s. Thugut knew both candidates well, especially Jenisch, an old chum since their student days at the Oriental Academy in Vienna. Despite Reviczky's recent successes as a translator of an Ottoman treatise on government and some ghazals by the Persian poet Hafez, Thugut did not share Kaunitz's esteem for the young noble, explaining that Reviczky “is as ingenious as he is faint-hearted; he turns pale at the mere mention of plague and would take objection to travel over the channel with sharp winds.”

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Austrian History Yearbook , Volume 45 , April 2014 , pp. 61 - 88
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Copyright © Center for Austrian Studies, University of Minnesota 2014 

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References

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2 An example of the latter comes from a letter by the British ambassador in Vienna, Viscount Stormont, to David Hume in 1767: “I beg leave to introduce to you Baron Revitsky who is very desirous of being known by you. He is of a considerable Family in Hungary and has Knowledge, Talents and Accomplishments, which you would scarce expect to meet with in a man of that Country.” Viscount Stormont to David Hume, 5 September 1767, National Archives of Scotland, Hume Papers, MS. 23157, Letter No. 56, 355–58.

3 “I believe that one chose him deliberately. He is one of these pedantic scholars, who speaks his Latin and his Greek in perfection, but is by no means made for the affairs of politics and still less for the necessary occasions where a firm and vigorous resolution needs to be taken. Also the others here repeat to me often: ‘Ensure therefore that His Majesty the king of Prussia should make his minister in Vienna act in order that he wakens our Greek, and that he learns to speak our language.’” Baron de Lentulus to Frederick II, 3 April 1773, in Politische Correspondenz Friedrich's des Großen, ed. Droysen, Johann Gustav et al. , (Berlin, 1909), vol. 442–43, n. 1Google Scholar.

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6 Discussions of the correspondence between Jones and Reviczky are standard fare in any work on the former. A more original discussion that also appreciates Reviczky's contributions to popularizing Hafez among East India Company officials is: Datta, Kitty Scoular, “Publishing and Translating Hafez under Empire,” in Books without Borders, ed. Fraser, Robert and Hammond, Mary, 58–70, vol. 2, Perspectives from South Asia (New York, 2008)Google Scholar.

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8 The only other study on Reviczky is: Rausch, Wilhelm, “Österreichs erster Geschäftsträger in Warschau nach der 1772 erfolgten ersten Teilung Polens,” Mitteilungen des Österreichischen Staatsarchivs 14 (1961): 288–99Google Scholar. A cursory examination of his diplomatic career, it does not discuss Reviczky's orientalist writings or activities as a book collector.

9 The other was Miklós Esterházy (1711–1764), who served in Brussels, The Hague, London, Lisbon, Poland, Saxony, Spain, and St. Petersburg. Evans, R. J. W., “Maria Theresa and Hungary,” in Austria, Hungary and the Habsburgs, Central Europe c. 1683–1867 (Oxford, 2006), 29Google Scholar.

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11 There is a rich historiography on the concept of “Joseph(in)ism.” Throughout this work, I have adopted Derek Beales's definition of Josephinism as a movement of reform within the monarchy, deeply associated with the Enlightenment, and championed by bureaucrats, priests, and professors. Josephinism had as its many objects the curtailment of papal authority, the introduction of religious toleration, educational reform, and the relaxation of censorship. Cf. Beales, Derek, Joseph II: In the Shadow of Maria Theresia, 1741–1781, vol. 1 (Cambridge, 1987), 8Google Scholar; Trencsényi, Balázs and Kopeček, Michal, eds., Discourses of Collective Identity in Central and Southeast Europe (1770–1945): Texts and Commentaries, 4 vols. (Budapest, 2006), vol. 1, 128–29Google Scholar; Whaley, Joachim, “The Transformation of the Aufklärung: From the Idea of Power to the Power of Ideas,” in Cultures of Power in Europe during the Long Eighteenth Century, ed. Scott, H. M. and Simms, Brendan, 158–79 (Cambridge, 2007)Google Scholar.

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41 Viscount Stormont, the British ambassador to Vienna in the 1770s, wrote of Reviczky: “I have long been acquainted with [Reviczky], and must do Him the Justice to say that He is a Man of great Merit and one that is universally, and deservedly esteemed. He has Prudence, Integrity, and Judgement, and to very good Natural Talents joins such an immense variety of acquired knowledge, such skill in languages ancient and modern as would be extraordinary in any Country, but is doubly so in Hungary.” Viscount Stormont to Lord Suffolk, 1 April 1772, TNA SP 80/2011.

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48 For more on each of these figures, consult their respective biographical entries in Wurzbach, Biographisches Lexikon, (1865–1891).

49 Joan-Pau Rubiés, “Instructions for Travelers: Teaching the Eye to See,” History and Anthropology 9, nos. 2–3 (1996): 139–90, 139–40.

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55 Fuchs-Sumiyoshi, Andrea, Orientalismus in der deutschen Literatur: Untersuchungen zu Werken des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts, von Goethes “West-östlichem Divan” bis Thomas Manns “Joseph”-Tetralogiep (Hildesheim, 1984), 51, 56–57, 59Google Scholar; Slaby, Helmut, Bindenschild und Sonnenlöwe. Die Geschichte der österreichisch-iranischen Beziehungen bis zur Gegenwart (Graz, 1982)Google Scholar; Solbrig, Ingeborg H., Hammer-Purgstall and Goethe: Dem Zaubermeister das Werkzeug (Bern, 1973), 30, 111, 120, 122, 186Google Scholar; Zeman, Herbert, “Österreichische Literatur. Zwei Studien,” Jahrbuch der Grillparzer Gesellschaft (Vienna, 1970), 11–56Google Scholar.

56 For example, Aksan, Virginia, “Ottoman Political Writing, 1768–1808,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 25 (1993): 53–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Arberry, A. J., “Orient Pearls at Random Strung,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 11 (1946): 699–712CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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59 Képes, Géza, “Hafiz et Csokonai,” in Littérature hongroise—Littérature européenne: Etudes de littérature comparée, ed. Sötér, I.. and Süpek, O., 287–304 (Budapest, 1964)Google Scholar. This article briefly discusses Reviczky's correspondence with Jones. For more on Képes, cf. András Bodrogligeti, “Géza Képes,” Encyclopaedia Iranica, Online Edition, 7 April 2008, available at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/kepes-geza-hungarian-poet-and-translator-of-persian-poetry. Brief remarks on Reviczky's translation of Hafez are found in Staud, Géza, Az orientalizmus a magyar romantikában, (Budapest, 1999), 51–52, 128Google Scholar; Puskás, I., “Indian Studies and the Ramayana in Hungary,” in Indian Epic Values: Ramayana and Its Impact: Proceedings of the 8th International Ramayana Conference, Leuven, 6–8 July 1991, ed. Pollet, Gilbert, 137–54 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta) (Peeters, 1995)Google Scholar is also useful.

60 Reychman, Jan, “Une correspondence ‘turque’ entre Reviczky et Adam Casimir Czartoryski,” Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae (Budapest, 1961), 85–7Google Scholar; Reychman, Jan, “Les notes du prince A.K. Czartoryski concernant ses etudes de la langue turque,” Rocznik Orientalistyczny [Yearbook of Oriental Studies] XXIII, no. 2 (1960): 57–82Google Scholar.

61 This is the number from 1763. Eight of the twenty-seven delegations were in the Arab lands, with six in greater Syria and two in Egypt. Piskur, Joseph, Oesterreichs Consularwesen (Vienna, 1862), 7Google Scholar; Fischer, Robert-Tarek, Österreich im Nahen Osten: die Grossmachtpolitik der Habsburgermonarchie im Arabischen Orient 1633–1918 (Vienna, 2006), 40Google Scholar.

62 Gazette de Vienne. N. 77. Supplement a la Gazette de Vienne, du 25 Sept. “Detail de l'entrée publique que M. le Baron de Penckler Conseiller de Guerre, Internonce, & Ministre plénipotentiare de Leurs Majestes I.& R.A. à la Porte, a faite à Constantionple le 29. Julliet 1762. & des audiences qu'il a eues ensuite du Grand-Sultan & du Grand-Vizir.”

63 On the plague in 1762, cf. “An Account of the Plague at Constantinople. By Dr. Mackenzie,” The Monthly Review, Or, Literary Journal 33 (1765): 450–53Google Scholar. On the fire, cf. Schwachheim to Colloredo, 1 September 1762, quoted in Roider, Austria's Eastern Question, 15.

64 Letters of Lady Mary Wortley Montague: Written During Her Travels in Europe, Asia, and Africa, to which are Added Poems by the Same Author (Paris, 1822), 162Google Scholar.

65 On this subject, he had written to Jones: “you are now spending the summer on the confines of Germany, in a place, which is the general rendezvous of Europe; and where you may see, at a glance, an assemblage of various nations. Is not this delightful? Is not the great advantage of traveling, to explore the characters of different people?” Reviczki to Jones, 9 August 1770, in Teignmouth, Memoirs of the Life, 104.

66 Gazette de Vienne. N. 77. Supplement a la Gazette de Vienne, du 25. Sept. “Detail de l'entrée publique que M. le Baron de Penckler Conseiller de Guerre, Internonce, & Ministre plénipotentiare de Leurs Majestes I.& R.A. à la Porte, a faite à Constantionple le 29. Julliet 1762. & des audiences qu'il a eues ensuite du Grand-Sultan & du Grand-Vizir.”

67 von Jenisch, Bernhard, De fatis linguarum orientalium Arabicae nimirum, Persicae, et Turcicae commentatio (Vienna, 1780), clxiGoogle Scholar.

68 Viscount Stormont to Lord Suffolk, 1 April 1772, TNA SP 80/2011.

69 In December 1779, Reviczky wrote to Kaunitz, describing his first audience with Frederick II: “The King subsequently gave me the most concise assurances of his inalterable friendship towards both Imperial Majesties, enquired after the health of Your Majesties, asked me various things about the trip and return of His Majesty the King and obsessed endlessly over other incurious circumstances, especially regarding my former travels to Turkey, on which point His Majesty delayed himself a long time, so that altogether the entire conversation lasted a good quarter hour.” Reviczky to Kaunitz, 7 December 1779, in Politische Correspondenz Friederich's des Grossen, Vom Bayrischen Erbfolgekriege bis zum Tode Friederich's des Großen, Preussichen Akademie der Wissenschaften (Berlin, 1933), 43: 420Google Scholar.

70 Many other eighteenth-century European travelers to Istanbul had connections with sahhafs, though their transactions were not always successful. Cf. Erünsal, Ismail E., “Osmanlılarda Sahaflık ve Sahaflar: Yeni Bazı Bilgiler ve Belgeler [The Book Trade and Book Sellers in the Ottoman Period: Some New Information and Documents],” Osmanlı Araştırmaları [Ottoman Researches] 29 (2007): 99–135Google Scholar.

71 Reviczky to Spencer, 29 June 1789, Althorp Papers, BL Add. MS 76016.

72 While at the John Rylands University Library (JRUL), I inspected a number of Ottoman library catalogues in manuscript from the eighteenth century, some of which were at one time in the possession of Franz Höck, head of the Oriental Academy from the 1780s to 1830s. Jan Schmidt, who catalogued the Turkish manuscript collection at JRUL, writes that these catalogues were originally owned by personnel from the Austrian embassy in Istanbul. My research suggests that these may be the remnants of Reviczky's collection of oriental manuscripts that made it into the Earl Spencer's library in 1789. All of the catalogues were produced before or during Reviczky's tenure in Constantinople. Cf. MS 24 (Catalogue of Hagia Sophia Library), MS 25 (Library Catalogue of Sultan Osman III), MS 26 (Library Catalogue of Sultan ‘Abdülhamid), MS 27 (Library Catalogue of Sultan Mehmet II), MS 28 (Library Catalogue of Ragib Pasha) in Schmidt, Jan, A Catalogue of the Turkish Manuscripts in the John Rylands University Library at Manchester (Brill, 2010), 14, 67–72Google Scholar.

73 Jones, William, Histoire de Nader Chah, connu sous le nom de Thahmas Kuli Khan, empereur de Perse (London, 1770), 275Google Scholar.

74 In fact, in this work, and others, Jones expresses his indebtedness to Reviczky. Cf. Jones, William, “A Prefatory Discourse on the History of the Turks,” in Memoirs of the Life, ed. Teingmouth, (London, 1815), 604Google Scholar. After giving a list of his sources in A Prefatory Discourse, Jones, weary of the charge of plagiarism, writes “I have borrowed freely from them all, yet by making the general acknowledgement of my obligation to them, I obviate, I think, any objection that can be made on that head, and cannot justly be reputed a plagiary, if to the passages taken from others, I add a series of remarks peculiar to myself.” Teignmouth, Memoirs of the Life, 605.

75 The heavily annotated copy is now owned by the Harry Ransom Center at the University of Texas, Austin. Copy of Count Charles Reviczky's Specimen Poeseos Persicae, Harry Ransom Center, University of Texas at Austin.

76 Jones, William, Poeseos asiaticæ commentariorum libri sex cum appendice (London, 1774), 104Google Scholar.

77 Thackston, W. M., The Gulistan (Rose Garden) of Sa'di: Bilingual English and Persian Edition with Vocabulary, (Bethesda, MD, 2008), 1Google Scholar. The original Persian appears in Teignmouth's 1805 edition of Jones's collected works, Memoirs of the Life (London, 1805)Google Scholar, 512.

ey karimi ke āz khizāna-yi ‘ghayb
gabr ve tarsā vazifahkhor dāri
ve dostānra kay koni mahrum
to ke bā doshmān nazar dāri

78 von Jenisch, Bernhard cites extensively from this work in his commentary on the Persian language, in De fatis linguarum orientalium Arabicae nimirum, Persicae, et Turcicae (Vienna, 1780)Google Scholar, lxi, lxiii, n. (g).

79 Lemon, Imperial Messages, 1; Bernard, Veronika, Österreicher im Orient: Eine Bestandsaufnahme österreichischer Reiseliteratur im 19. Jahrhundert (Vienna, 1996)Google Scholar.

80 E. Sensenig-Dabbous, “Will the Real Almásy Please Stand Up!,” 169.

81 Thugut's role in these events is well documented in Sorel, Albert, The Eastern Question in the Eighteenth Century (London, 1898), 252–57Google Scholar; Roider, Austria's Eastern Question, 131–50.

82 Roider relates that in 1786 Wenzel Brognard, an Academy graduate, traveled from Istanbul to Vienna mapping Turkish military positions. Roider, Austria's Eastern Question, 177.

83 von Trzebomislitz, Johann Nepomok Dubsky, Die Kriege in Bosnien, in den Feldzügen 1737, 38 und 39, beschrieben von dem zu Nowi in Bosnien bestellt gewesenen gelehrten Kadi Omer Effendi (Vienna, 1789)Google Scholar.

84 Kurze Anleitung zur Erlernung der türkischen Sprache, für Militär Personen: Sammt einer Sammlung von nützlichen Gesprächen, Ausdrücken und Redensarten u. einem Handlexikon der gebräuchlichsten Wörter (Vienna, 1789)Google Scholar. This work, written by Thomas Chabert, professor of oriental languages at the Oriental Academy, was published during Austria's last war with the Ottomans. For more on Chabert, cf. Starkenfels, Orientalische Akademie, 57.

85 Kaunitz to Reviczky, 31 October 1783, in Wolf, Gerson, Österreich und Preussen (1780–1790) (Vienna, 1880), 95–96Google Scholar.

86 Reviczky to Kaunitz, 8 February 1783, in Wolf, Österreich und Preussen, 58–9.

87 Makdisi, Ussama, The Culture of Sectarianism: Community, History, and Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon (Berkeley, 2000)Google Scholar.

88 Bronza, Boro, “The Habsburg Monarchy and the Projects for Division of the Ottoman Balkans, 1771–1788,” in Empires and Peninsulas: Southeastern Europe between Karlowitz and the Peace of Adrianople, 1699–1829, ed. Mitev, Plamen, Parvev, Ivan, Baramova, Maria, and Racheva, Vania, 51–62 (Berlin, 2010)Google Scholar.

89 Maria Theresa to Comte Mercy-Argenteau, 31 July 1777, quoted in Seton-Watson, R. W., A History of the Roumanians (Cambridge, 1934), 151Google Scholar.

90 Roider, Austria's Eastern Question, 109–30.

91 For more on the genre of nasihatname in an Ottoman context, cf. Howard, Douglas A, “Genre and Myth in the Ottoman Advice for King's Literature,” in The Early Modern Ottomans: Remapping the Empire, ed. Aksan, Virginia and Goffmann, Daniel, 137–68 (Cambridge, 2007)Google Scholar.

92 van den Boogert, Maurits, “The Sultan's Answer to the Medici Press? Ibrahim Müteferrika's Printing House in Istanbul,” in The Republic of Letters and the Levant, ed. Hamilton, Alastair, van den Boogert, Maurits H., and Westerweel, Bart, 265–92 (Brill, 2005), 266Google Scholar. As Reviczky explains in the preface to his translation: “Müteferrika is an Arabic word, meaning distinguished officer. Sultan Ahmet capped the number of government officials holding this title at 200.” Traité de la tactique, xxii, n. 1. A great deal has been written on the press and therefore only those elements relevant to Reviczky will be addressed here.

93 Traité de la tactique, xxii–xxiii.

94 Toderini, Giambattista, Letteratura Turchesca dell'Abate Giambatista Toderini, 3 vols. (Venice, 1787), vol. 3, 11–15Google Scholar; van den Boogert, “The Sultan's Answer,” 267–68.

95 Traité de la tactique, xxiii.

96 Berkes, Niyazi, The Development of Secularism in Turkey (London, 1998), 42Google Scholar.

97 van den Boogert, “The Sultan's Answer to the Medici Press?” 288. The title of Reviczky's translation, Treatise on Tactics, is a far cry from Müteferrika's original, The Principles of the Science of Government. Reviczky himself mentions this point in his preface, and Jones makes a similar remark in a letter to Reviczky from October 1771. Cf. Jones to Reviczki in Teignmouth, Memoirs of the Life, 180; Babinger records that Reviczky's work was later translated into German Cf. Babinger, “Die türkischen Studien,” 125. I have never found any other record of this.

98 von Mosel, Ignaz, Geschichte der kaiserlich-königlichen Hofbibliothek zu Wien (Vienna, 1852) 152Google Scholar.

99 Traité de la tactique, vi.

100 Ibid., vi–vii.

101 Ibid., xiv–xv.

102 O'Shanahan, William, “Enlightenment and War: Austro-Prussian Military Practices, 1760–1790,” in East Central European Society and War in the Prerevolutionary Eighteenth Century, ed. Rothenberg, Gunther E., Király, Béla K., and Sugar, Peter F., 83–111 (New York, 1982), 86Google Scholar.

103 Rauchensteiner, Manfed, “The Development of War Theories in Austria at the End of the Eighteenth Century,” in East Central European Society, ed. Rothenberg, Gunther E., Király, Béla K., and Sugar, Peter F., 75–82 (New York, 1982)Google Scholar, at 79.

104 Generals-Reglement, (Vienna, 1769)Google Scholar; Rauchensteiner, “The Development,” 75–82; Rothenberg, Gunther Erich, The Art of Warfare in the Age of Napoleon (Bloomington, IN, 1980), 167–68Google Scholar; Duffy, Christopher, The Military Experience in the Age of Reason (London, 1987)Google Scholar.

105 Rauchensteiner, “The Development,” 79.

106 Traité de la tactique, iv.

107 Ibid., xvi–xvi.

108 Ibid., xvii.

109 Ibid., xiv.

110 Traité de la tactique, xx–xxi. In a similar passage, Jones writes “no modern nation was ever more addicted to learning of every kind than the Arabians.” “A Prefatory Discourse,” in Memoirs of the Life, Teignmouth, 607.

111 Traité de la tactique, xix.

112 Specimen Poeseos, xii–xiv; Friedel, Johann, Fragmente über die Literaturgeschichte der Perser, nach dem Lateinischen des Baron Rewitzki von Rewißnie. Kais. königl. Gesandt. in Berlin. Mit Anmerkungen und dem Leben des Persischen Dichters Saadi (Vienna, 1783), 17Google Scholar.

113 Traité de la tactique, xx.

114 Ibid., xxi.

115 Reviczki to Jones, 19 February 1768, in Teignmouth, Memoirs of the Life, 57. “[…] I anticipate with satisfaction the mortification of all our European poets, who must blush at the poverty of their prosaic language, when they find that the Oriental dialects […] have true syllabic quantities as well as the Greek, and a great variety of feet, and consequently the true science of metre and prosody.”

116 Traité de la tactique, xx.

117 Reviczki to Jones, 24 February 1768, in Teignmouth, Memoirs of the Life, 58–59. Reviczky inaccurately believed ghazals were “restricted to thirteen couplets.” The ghazal, a Persian poetic genre with no counterpart in Arabic, emerged some time in the twelfth century. Cf. Meisami, Julie, Medieval Persian Court Poetry (Princeton, 1987), 237–39Google Scholar.

118 Even so, as Antoine Galland remarked in his edition of Herbelot's Bibliothèque Orientale, Reviczky's work remained little known because “the author did not put it up for sale.” Cf. Bibliothèque Orientale (Haye, 1779), vol. 2, 645Google Scholar.

119 Richardson, John, A specimen of Persian poetry; or, Odes of Hafez, with an English translation and paraphrase, chiefly from the Specimen poeseos Persicæ of Baron Revizky, with historical and grammatical illustrations and a complete analysis, for the assistance of those who wish to study the Persian language (London, 1774)Google Scholar; Friedel. Fragmente über die Literaturgeschichte; Nott, John, Select Odes from the Persian Poet Hafez (London, 1787)Google Scholar, was also heavily indebted to Reviczky.

120 Reviczki to Jones, 19 Feb. 1768; Reviczki to Jones, 17 Mar. 1768, in Teignmouth, Memoirs of the Life, 68. Thomas Hyde (1636–1703), the most important orientalist in seventeenth century England save Edward Pococke, was head of the Bodleian from 1665 until his death. Here, Reviczky is referring to Hyde's Veterum Persarum et Parthorum et Medorum religionis historia, 2nd. ed. (Oxford, 1767)Google Scholar. For more, see Toomer, G. J., Eastern Wisdome and Learning: The Study of Arabic in Seventeenth-Century England (Oxford, 1996)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

121 The twentieth-century German orientalist Hellmut Ritter wrote extensively on these manuscripts. cf. Schimmel, Annemarie, “Hafiz and His Critics,” Studies in Islam 16(1979): 1–33, 262Google Scholar; Glassen, Erika, “The Reception of Hafiz: Textual Transmission in Historical Perspective,” in Intoxication: Earthly and Heavenly; Seven Studies on the Poet Hafiz of Shiraz, ed. Glünz, Michael et al. , 41–52 (Bern/New York, 1991), 43–44Google Scholar, n. 7.

122 Samuel Friedrich Günther Wahl made note of the discrepancies between Reviczky's “Wiener codex” and a codex on Hafez's poetry from the Royal Library in Berlin. Cf. Wahl, S. F. G., “Zur persischen und türkischen Litteratur: (1) Varianten aus einem Codex der königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin, zu denen von Herrn Grafen Rewiczki herausgegebenen Oden des Dichters Hafyz,” in Magazin für alte, besonders morgenländische und biblische Litteratur, 3 vols. (Berlin, 1790), vol. 3, 72–85Google Scholar.

123 Specimen Poeseos, x–xii; Friedel, Fragmente über die Literaturgeschichte, 13.

124 Specimen Poeseos, xvii–xviii; Friedel, Fragmente über die Literaturgeschichte, 22–23; Reviczky's contention that Persian poetry originated from Arabic literature and the oral traditions of ancient Persia has been corroborated by modern scholars as well. Cf. Lazard, Gilbert, “The Rise of the New Persian Language,” in The Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 4, From the Arab Invasion to the Saljuqs, ed. Frye, R. N. (Cambridge University Press, 1975), 612Google Scholar; Meisami, Medieval Persian Court Poetry, 10.

125 Specimen Poeseos, xviii; Friedel, Fragmente über die Literaturgeschichte, 23–24.

126 Khan, Gulfishan, “Muslim-Western Cultural Encounter in the Eighteenth Century: The Impact of Hafiz Shirazi's Poetry on Europe,” Islamic Studies 48, no. 1 (Spring 2009), 35–87Google Scholar. On the origin of the name Hafez, Reviczky wrote: “It is generally customary with the orientals, especially among the Mohammadens, to give the mature children something of a surname, which has a relation to a salient characteristic of the same. So Haphiz with the Persians is, like Memnon or rather Mnemon with the Greeks, possessed namely with a good memory. Thus those who are able to recite the entire Koran by heart are called Hafez.” See Specimen Poeseos, xix, 1; Friedel, Fragmente über die Literaturgeschichte, 25.

127 The debate over how to best translate Hafez continues today: See Loloi, Parvin, Hafiz, Master of Persian Poetry: A Critical Biography (London, 2004), 22–48Google Scholar.

128 Hanzeli, Victor E., “Gyarmathi and His Affinitas,” in Grammatical Proof of the Affinity of the Hungarian Language with Languages of Fennic Origin, Amsterdam Studies in the Theory and History of Linguistic Science I (Amsterdam, 1983), xxiGoogle Scholar.

129 Traité de la tactique, xxiv. He writes, “Moreover, Turkish and French being both entirely foreign to me, I count on the indulgence of the reader for all the faults that have escaped me.” Ibid., xxv.

130 See Specimen Poeseos, xxxviii–xli, xlviii; a fıne summary of these commentators can be found in Schimmel, Annemarie, “Hafiz and His Contemporaries,” in The Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 6, The Timurid and Safavid Periods, ed. Lockhart, Laurence and Jackson, Peter (Cambridge, 1986), 929–47Google Scholar.

131 Meninsky, Franciscus, Thesaurus Linguarum Orientalium Turcicae, Arabicae, Persicae, cum Complementum Thesauri Ling. Orient, seu Onomasticon—Latino-Turcico-Arabico-Persicum, et Institutiones seu Grammatica Turcica, 5 vols. (Vienna, 1680–1687)Google Scholar; Bibliothèque orientale ou Dictionnaire universel contenant generalement tout ce qui regarde la connoissance des Peuples de l'Orient [...] par Monsieur d'Herbelot, (Discours par A. Galland) (Paris, 1697)Google Scholar.

132 My research suggests that JRUL Persian MS 133, a two-volume, mid-eighteenth-century edition of Sudi's commentary might have originally belonged to Reviczky. For more details on this source, cf. Schmidt, A Catalogue of the Turkish Manuscripts, 302–3.

133 Reviczki to Jones, 24 Feb. 1768, in Teignmouth, Memoirs of the Life, 62.

134 Specimen Poeseos, xvii; Friedel, Fragmente über die Literaturgeschichte, 34.

135 Larry Wolff, “Poland and the Vatican in the Age of the Partitions: European Enlightenment, Roman Catholicism, and the Development of Polish Nationalism” (PhD diss., Stanford University, 1984), 34–37.

136 Specimen Poeseos, xxxi; Friedel, Fragmente über die Literaturgeschichte, 40.

137 For a discussion of these difficulties by one of the best translators of Persian literature today, see Davis, Dick, “On Not Translating Hafez,” New England Review 25, nos. 1–2 (2004)Google ScholarPubMed: http://cat.middlebury.edu/~nereview/25-1-2/Davis.html (accessed 1 Oct. 2013).

138 Franklin, Michael J., “Orientalist Jones”: Sir William Jones: Poet, Lawyer, and Linguist, 1746–1794 (Oxford, 2011), 72CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

139 Specimen Poeseos Persicæ, 5, 61–62; William Jones, A Grammar of the Persian Language, 137. Over this same issue, Reviczky had once remonstrated Jones: “I cannot comprehend how you have discovered an indelicate meaning in these beautiful lines of Mesihi […] unless you annex an idea of obscenity to the expression of embracing a youth; a subject which perpetually occurs not only in Oriental poetry, but in Greek and Latin.” Reviczki to Jones, 24 Feb. 1768, in Teignmouth, Memoirs of the Life, 62. In fact, Jones's translation represents the beginning of a gradual “feminization” of this ghazal. Cf. Anvar, Chirine, “La féminisation de l’être aimé dans les traductions de Hâfez (1771–1813),” in L'Orient des femmes, ed. Abourachid, Dounia, (ENS Editions, 2002), 123–32Google Scholar.

140 Specimen Poeseos, xlviii; Friedel, Fragmente über die Literaturgeschichte, 52.

141 Specimen Poeseos, xxxi, n. 1. J. P. Sullivan rendered it as: “It's a foul trick to make light verse difficult to appreciate and stupid to waste effort on silly trifles.” Sullivan, J. P., Martial, The Unexpected Classic: A Literary and Historical Study (Cambridge, 2005), 74Google Scholar.

142 Dr. Reiske to Lessing, 1771, in Gelehrter Briefwechsel zwischen D. Johann Jacob Reiske, Conrad Arnold Schmid, und Gotthold Ephraim Lessing, vol. 2, ed. Schmid, Conrad Anrold, (Frankfurt/Leipzig, 1790), 83Google Scholar. This quote is completely at odds with Reiske's own work on Arabic and medieval Greek that was written almost entirely in Latin. For example, Abulfedae annales Moslemici. Latinos ex arabicis fecit Io. Iacobus Reiske (Leipzig, 1754)Google Scholar; Constantini Porphyrogeniti libri II. de ceremoniis aulae Byzant (Leipzig, 1751–1766)Google Scholar.

143 Scott, H. M., The Emergence of the Eastern Powers (Cambridge, 2001), 142Google Scholar; Kaunitz's nomination of Reviczky was probably influenced by other factors as well. Arguably, chief among these was that because Austrian claims on the Polish territories of Galicia and Lodomeria would be made on the basis of the historic rights of the Kingdom of Hungary and at the behest of the Hungarian Diet, a Hungarian would be most suitable for the post. Throughout the reign of Maria Theresa, the Hungarian Diet had demanded that the region of Zips, which had been mortgaged to Poland since 1412, be recovered and added to the territory of the Kingdom of Hungary. A Hungarian with a family history of loyal service both to Vienna and the Hungarian Diet, Reviczky was an ideal candidate for the post. For more on the First Partition of Poland and Hungary, cf. Glassl, Horst, “Der Rechtsstreit um die Zips vor ihrer Rückgliederung an Ungarn,” Ungarn-Jahrbuch I (Frankfurt/Leipzig, 1969), 23–50Google Scholar.

144 The anecdote appears in Zimmermann, Johann Georg, Fragmente über Friedrich den Grossen zur Geschichte seines Lebens, seiner Regierung, und seines Charakters, 2 vols. (Frankfurt und Leipzig, 1790), vol. I, 142Google Scholar; Reviczky himself refers to this anecdote in a letter to Joseph II from 27 Dec. 1780: “At the end however he turned to me once more and demanded my opinion on a small matter of dispute, which I, as His Majesty graciously deigned to express, would be the best to determine; the question concerned the derivation of a certain Spanish word, which according to the opinion of the King takes its origin from the Saracens, who as is well known, ruled in Spain for a long time.” Cf. Droysen, Johann Gustav et al. , eds., Politische Correspondenz Friedrich's des Großen, vol. 45 (Berlin, 1937), 134–35Google Scholar.

145 A decade earlier, Reviczky's renown as an orientalist was widespread enough for Frederick to write to Major Zegelin, the Prussian ambassador in Constantinople, of “a certain Hungarian from the nobility, von Reviczky, who had served in Constantinople for several years and recently translated a treatise on Turkish military tactics” and currently in consideration for the post of Austrian internuntius in Constantinople. Frederick to Major von Zegelin in Constantinople, Potsdam, 19 July 1769, in Politische Correspondenz Friedrich's des Großen, vol. 28, ed. Droysen, Johann Gustav et al. (Berlin, 1903), 444–45Google Scholar.

146 Czartoryski to Reviczky, undated MS. CML MSS 6050 nr. 50. The contents are not particularly exciting: “mektub dahi yokdur lakin umarım olur aldığım için cenabıñıza gönderim.” Translated as: “There still is no letter, but I hope that I will send (reply) to your answer as soon as I receive it.”

147 Reviczky to Czartoryski, undated, MS CML nr. 39. With regard for the discrepancies among the three, it might read: “Ever since your glance fell upon my humble self/My compositions are more famous than the sun/That is to say, they have found fame in all the world/And despite the existence of all the faults in this slave/In every defect that the Sultan admires appears an art.”

148 This translation has been taken from Thackston, The Gulistan of Sa'di, 14. Thackston's Persian manuscript source differs slightly from Reviczky's, as the latter's reads: “ān neman basham ke ruz-e ceng bini posht-e man/ān man kendar miyān khāk va khun bini sarri.” Reviczky to Czartoryski, Warsaw, 31 August 1778. MS CML nr. 41. Reviczky also included a French paraphrase and a “literal” Latin version: “Ille ego non sum, ut die pugnæ videas tergum meum/Ille ego sum cujus inter pulverem et sanguinem videas caput.”

149 “Pohlnische Grentze, den 18. Jun.” Neue Europäische Zeitung. 103tes Stück. Mit Römisch-Kayserl. Majest. und Hochfürstl. Hessen-Hanuischer/allergnädigst—und gnadigster Freyheit./Hanau, Freytag den 4. Jul. 1777.

150 Warsaw, 20 June. Journal de Politique et de Littérature […] Numéro Treizième. 5 Mai. Tome Second. (Brussels, 1777), 372.

151 “zira elçi beğ meyhāne gitmez ben cāmi‘ye hiç varmım görüşmek ne mümkün evvela benden bi mikdar;” Reviczky to Czartoryski, Warsaw, 15 September 1777, CML MSS 6050 nr. 40.

152 Jan Reychman, “Les notes du prince A.K. Czartoryski,” 57; also quoted in Reychman, “Une correspondance,” 85–87.

153 Cf. Czartoryski to Jones, 26 November 1778, 204–07; Jones to Czartoryski, 17 February 1779, 207–10; Reviczki to Jones, 17 March 1779, 211–12; Czartoryski to Jones, 20 September 1788, 407–09; in Teignmouth, Memoirs of the Life, (1815).

154 Ward, Adrienne, “Eastern Others on Western Pages: Eighteenth-Century Literary Orientalism,” Literature Compass 1 (2004): 1–11CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 1–2.

155 Richardson, John, A Specimen of Persian Poetry: or odes of Hafez, with an english translation and paraphrase: Chiefly from the specimen poeseos persicae of Baron Revizky, with historical and grammatical illustrations, and a complete analysis, for the assistance of those who wish to study the Persian language (London, 1774)Google Scholar, i.

156 Ibid., ii–iv.

157 6 October 1802 in Thomas Edward Colebrooke, Life of the Honourable Mountstuart Elphinstone, 2 vols. (London, 1884), vol. I, 31.

158 Ouvry, Henry Aimé, Cavalry Experiences and Leaves from My Journal (Lymington, 1892)Google Scholar, 18.

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160 Cochran, Peter, ed., Byron and Orientalism (Cambridge, 2006)Google Scholar, 68, n. 134.

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162 van der Oye, David Schimmelpennick, Russian Orientalism: Asia in the Russian Mind from Peter the Great to the Emigration (New Haven, CT, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 59.

163 On Repnin's role at the peace of Küçük Kainarji, cf. H.M. Scott, The Emergence of the Eastern Powers, 232.

164 Reviczky to Spencer, 23 July 1791, Althorp Papers, BL Add. MS 760160078.

165 Schimmel, Annemarie, “The West-Eastern Divan: the Influence of Persian Poetry in East and West,” in The Persian Presence in the Islamic World, ed. Hovannisian, Richard G. and Sabagh, Georges, 147–71 (Cambridge, 1998), 160–61Google Scholar; Herder most likely consulted the edition of Jones's Poeseos asiaticae printed by Eichhorn: Poeseos asiaticae commentariorum libri sex, cum appendice (Leipzig, 1777)Google Scholar; cf. Baildam, John D., Paradisal Love: Johann Gottfried Herder and the Song of Songs (Sheffield, 1999)Google Scholar, 131, n. 11.

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172 “The scholars Hell and Kollár, and the ambassador Revitzki are great ornaments of Hungary.” Farkos, János, Ungarische Grammatik, oder ausführliche Unterweisung wodurch der Ungar die deutsche, und der Deutsche die ungarische Sprache in ihrer Vollkommenheit zu lesen, schreiben und reden in Kürze erlernen kann […] (Vienna, 1791), 181Google Scholar.

173 Beales, Derek, Joseph II, vol. 2, Against the World, 1780–1790 (Cambridge, 2009), 676–77Google Scholar.

174 R. J. W. Evans, “The Politics of Language and the Languages of Politics: Latin and the Vernaculars in Eighteenth-Century Hungary,” in Cultures of Power, ed. Scott and Simms, 216.