Te reo Māori, the Indigenous language of Aotearoa (New Zealand), remains ‘endangered’ despite concentrated ongoing efforts to reverse declining numbers of speakers. Most of these efforts have focused on te reo Māori immersion education settings as these were considered the most effective means to ensure the survival of the language (May & Hill, 2008). More recently, the home has been identified as an important setting for language regeneration (Te Puni Kokiri, 2011). Despite the fact that the vast majority of secondary school-aged students (both Māori and non-Māori) attend English-medium schools, these settings are seldom considered as having potential to increase numbers of te reo Māori speakers. This article reports findings from a case study of one English-medium secondary school where factors surrounding the uptake of te reo Māori as a subject were investigated. Using Spolsky and Shohamy's (2000) language policy framework as an explanatory lens, it was revealed that even when students’ language ideologies orient them towards learning te reo Māori, language management and practice decisions can discourage rather than encourage this choice.

Among San communities in Botswana, the rate of student disengagement from both primary and junior secondary school is an ongoing concern for educators. San learners leave school at all levels of primary and junior secondary education. Students who leave school have tended not to provide reasons as to why they are dropping out. This study investigated some of the reasons why San learners decided to drop out at primary and junior secondary school levels in the Central District in Botswana. In-depth interviews were undertaken with 20 former students living in five cattle-posts where the participants worked as cattle herders. The results indicate that some San drop out of school for reasons of survival, both within and outside school. The findings of the study offer insights into some of the issues that impede students within San communities in achieving their educational goals. Further, the findings could assist educational authorities in their review of current educational practices in Botswana so that that all citizens can be appropriately accommodated within the education system.

This article examines the role of the multilingual education (MLE) teacher in the mother tongue-based MLE program for the Juangas, a tribe in Odisha, an eastern state of India, and is part of a broader study of the MLE program in the state. For the specific purpose of this article, I have adopted Welmond's (2002) three-step process: identifying culture-specific knowledge about the role of a teacher; examining the state's education objectives that influence teachers’ behaviour and experiences; and focusing on the behaviour and experience of teachers at the local level. These three steps constantly merged into one another during the examination of the subject under discussion. The paper recognises that the MLE teachers are not only first-generation teachers, but also first-generation practitioners of MLE, and therefore need to be resourceful and experimental in their classroom practices. However, given the national imperative to achieve universal elementary education by 2015, within the para-teacher framework adopted by the Government of India, the MLE teacher seems to be just a means to an end.

Photovoice, the most prevalent participatory visual research methodology utilised within social science research, has begun making its way into Indigenous contexts in light of its critical and pedagogical potential. However, this potential is not always actualised as the assumptions that undergird photovoice are often the same ones that (re)produce inequalities. Working from the notion that methodologies are the space in between theory, methods, and ethics, this manuscript works with/in the cultural interface between the Western theories that shape photovoice (i.e., standpoint theory, praxis) and Indigenous analogues (i.e., Nakata's [2007a, 2007b] Indigenous standpoint theory, Grande's [2004, 2008] Red pedagogy) in order to differentially (re)braid photovoice. Following a thumbnail description of these four bodies of scholarship, a concept key to photovoice (i.e., voice) is differentially configured with, in, and for the cultural interface to provide research considerations for various stages of participatory visual research projects (i.e., fieldwork, analysis, dissemination).

It is well recognised that research with Aboriginal communities needs to be ethical, meaningful and useful, in a way that is defined by communities themselves. This article provides an example of how reflexivity, from a number of positions and paradigms, can be used to undertake such research. I used a reflexive journal to document and critically assess the challenges and discomfort I experienced while undertaking research with Aboriginal communities, including uncertainty and feeling in the minority. Reflexivity allowed me to experience a number of key learnings, including: the importance of relationships; the importance of time, transparency and trust in relationships; reciprocity; the importance of listening; a partnership approach; and the impact of Aboriginal culture and past experience. The way in which I redefined my success as a researcher is also explored. In using reflexivity I reached new levels of understanding about myself, which enabled me to alter my practice and therefore change the experiences of those I was working with, ideally towards experiences that were perceived as culturally safe. Using reflexivity also enabled me to identify my position as a White researcher and centralise the needs and perspectives of Aboriginal people in my research. The purpose of this article is to present my own journey, as well as start a dialogue and provide a framework for how others might use reflexivity to become a culturally safe health professional or researcher and centralise the needs and perspectives of Aboriginal people in research and practice.