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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 19 July 2011
The charge which forms the subject of this paper is blazoned in French ombre and in Latin umbra, and one or other of these terms is used in the few cases in which the charge occurs in English blazon outside the text-books. There can be little doubt but that the word ought to be interpreted as ghost or phantom, but the compiler of The Boke of St. Albans translated it by shadow, and he was followed by Gerard Legh and sundry later writers who apparently took that word in its everyday sense. It was certainly so understood by Cornelius Gailliard, for he paraphrased it by umbrage, and I suspect that it was a like misinterpretation which inspired the de Varennes-Vulson heresy mentioned hereinafter. In the following pages I propose first to review the statements of the various English and continental armorists who mention the ombre and thereafter to consider the charge in actual use.
page 125 note 1 Most of these examples are in the College of Arms and I desire to express to the Chapter of the College my appreciation of the facilities which they have afforded me. I must also say ‘Thank you’ to my old friend Dr. D. L. Galbreath, F.S.A., Vice-President of the Swiss Heraldic Society, and to many others who have helped in various ways. Above all I am indebted to my colleague of the French Heraldic Society, Dr. Paul Adam, without whose constant and generous help the continental portion of this paper could not have been written; the writing indeed is mine, but the greater part of the material was provided by him My thanks are due to the Chapter of the College of Arms for leave to reproduce figuresa to f on Plate XXVII, and figures e, g, h, and i on Plate xxix; to the authorities of the British Museum for leave to reproduce figures 15,16, and 17, and to the Director of the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris for figures i, j, k, and l on Plate XXVII. I have to thank the Marquis de Trazegnies for the impression of his seal reproduced on Plate xxvm, g, and Baron Meurgey de Tupigny, Conservator at the Archives Nationales, Paris, for the casts illustrated on Plate XXVIII, a, b, e, f, j, and k. Casts of the other seals illustrated on that plate were supplied by the directors of the Archives Royales, Brussels (figs, c, d) and of the British Museum (figs, h, i). Casts of all these seals as well as of several other Trazegnies seals in the Brussels collection are now in the British Museum.
page 125 note 2 This suggestion was first made by Mr. Martin Holmes, F.S.A.
page 125 note 3 Medieval Heraldry, Cardiff, , 1943, pp. 95Google Scholar seq., cf. pp. xvii seq. Johannes de Bado Aureo's tractate was first published by Edward Bysshe, the intruding Garter, in 1654, see p. 126, n. 5 below.
page 125 note 4 Jones, , op. cit., p. 2Google Scholar.
page 125 note 5 British Museum MS. Harl. 6064, f. 2. The other versions are fifteenth century.
page 125 note 6 Op. cit., p. 213; cf. Introduction, p. xliv. Mr. Jones printed this from two British Museum MSS., Add. 34648 and Harl. 6097.
page 125 note 7 Treatise on Heraldry temp. Hen. IV, in the library of the College of Arms, p. 3.
page 126 note 1 An outline, as will appear shortly, was the classical manner of representing an umbra.
page 126 note 2 One, Bodleian MS. Ashmole Rolls 4, has ‘a lyon in Nounbre’; the other, a fifteenth-century copy in the collection of our Treasurer, Mr. Bradfer-Lawrence, has ‘ennoumbre’ written all in one word.
page 126 note 3 Early English Text Society, Extra Series, No. 8, 1869 (Queene Elizabeth's Achademy, etc., edited by Furnivall, F. J.), p. 98Google Scholar, line 133. ‘In umbre’ is here perverted into ‘in nomer’. The tract is one copied about 1494 by Adam Loutfut, Kintyre Pursuivant, for Sir William Cumming of Inverallochy, then Marchmont Herald and afterwards Lyon King of Arms. It is now art. 17 in Brit. Mus. MS. Harl. 6149, see f. 153, 1. 11.
page 126 note 4 Harl. MS. 6149, art. 2, ff. 5-44. Although it differs from Upton in many ways this tract seems to be based on the armorial portion of De Studio Militari (cf.Jones, , op cit., p. xxi, n. 2)Google Scholar.
page 126 note 5 Nicholai Vptoni de Studio Militari Libri Quatuor, published by Edward Bysshe, together with the Tractatus de Armis of Aureo, Johannes de Bado and Sir Spelman's, HenryAspilogia, London, 1654. See pp. 220, 221, 247Google Scholar. See also the paragraph ‘De cruce fimbriata’, p. 221.
page 126 note 6 The Boke of Saint Albans, by Dame Juliana Berners…printed at St. Albans by the schoolmaster in 1486; reproduced in facsimile by Blades, William, London, 1901Google Scholar. The few verbal discrepancies between the Boke and Bysshe's Upton are trivial.
page 126 note 7 The shields in pl. XXVII, a-d are reproduced from a contemporary manuscript in the College of Arms (Arundel 64). Save for the thin lines the artist's version of crux molendinaris umbrata might be blazoned as a millrind cross disjointed, whilst the cross he has drawn for (c) is not paty but botonny, crux nodulata; this mistake is rectified in Bysshe's edition.
page 126 note 8 In Bysshe's Upton this is separated from the other three paragraphs by some 27 pages. In the Boke of St. Albans it follows immediately after the section about the perforated shadow, and has neither heading nor illustration.
page 126 note 9 Brit. Mus. MS. Add. 28791; see Jones, p. 144 seq. and p. xviii note.
page 126 note 10 The Accedence of Armorie, by Legh, Gerard, London, 1562Google Scholar and later editions, ff. 36, 45b, and 106.
page 127 note 1 Workes of Armorie…, by Bossewell, John…, 1597 (London), see p. 25Google Scholar. The first edition appeared in 1572.
page 127 note 2 The Blazon of Gentrie…, by Feme, John…, London, 1586; see p. 174Google Scholar.
page 127 note 3 SeeNotes and Queries, vol. 191, 1946, p. 222Google Scholar.
page 127 note 4 Feme also uses the word ‘shadow’ in speaking of differences, saying that the second brother should add to his paternal coat ‘a bordure of the colour of the feeld, but severed from the coat, by a little tract, or shadow, drawne with the pencell’ ('op. cit., p. 254). ‘Umbrated’ is used in a similar way in Sir George Carewes Scrowl, which is dated 1588; this gives for Reynell of East Ogwell in Devon: ‘Ar. and upon it duble umbrated for a masons wall a chef indented sa.’ (Brit. Mus. MS. Harl. 2129, f. 247 v; Devon Notes and Queries, vol. i, part 2, p. 90, no. 631). This would now be blazoned: Argent masoned sable, a chief indented sable.
page 127 note 5 J. G. Nichols, commenting on this passage, opined that there was no such charge as a shadow, and that the idea arose from the occasional representation of charges by outlines, e.g. on brasses and gravestones (Herald and Genealogist, vol. ii, 1865, p. 96)Google Scholar. Later he recanted so far as France is concerned, but he still thought that the device was ‘probably never adopted in England’. As evidence of its use in France he cited the apocryphal coat of Gillion le Courageux (Trazegnies, Gilles I de, ob. 1191Google Scholar) in the Salle des Croisades at Versailles (ibid., p. 555).
page 127 note 6 A Display of Heraldry, by Guillim, John, 1610Google Scholar, bk. 2, chap. 3; so also in all subsequent editions.
page 127 note 7 Academy of Armory, 1688, bk. i, chap. 5, p. 42Google Scholar, no. 6, and p. 48, no. 73; bk. ii, chap. 7, p. 144; bk. iii, chap. 13, p. 482, no. 139. At the last reference Holme confuses umbrating and voiding and describes as ‘an Umbrated Mullet, or a Mullet voided and fretted’ the figure known as a pentalpha and commonly blazoned as such in the arms of the two families which he cites, Degelin van Wangen and Stahler. The fact that Stahler repeats the charge as crest shows that it is not an umbra.
page 127 note 8 In the Glossary, s.v. ‘Adumbration’ and ‘Ombre’ respectively.
page 127 note 9 A Treatise on Heraldry, British and Foreign, by Woodward, John and the late Burnett, George,. Edinburgh, 1892, p. 223Google Scholar. A revised edition of the book was published in 1896 as by Woodward alone.
page 128 note 1 De Insigniis et Armis. See Jones, , op. cit., p. 221, andGoogle Scholar Bysshe's Upton, notes, p. 4 seq.
page 128 note 2 ‘De arte blasonandi arma’, Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, MS. latin 6020.
page 128 note 3 This book is known from many manuscript versions, and is the earliest treatise on heraldry to be printed in France. It was first published in 1495, reprinted at various times to 1515, and last re-edited by Douët d'Arcq in the Revue archéologique, 1858, p. 321Google Scholar.
page 128 note 4 Le Blason des Armoiries, 1579Google Scholar, and later editions 1581 t o 1638. The date 1511 ( Guigard, J., Bibliothèque Héraldique de la France, 1861, no. 19, citingGoogle ScholarLelong, J., Bibliothèque historique de la France, revised by Fontelle, Fevret de, Paris, 1768-1778)Google Scholar seems to be a mistake.
page 128 note 5 Le Blason des Armes, suivi de l'Armorial des villes, châtellenies, cours féodales, seigneuries, etfamilies de l'ancien comte de Flandre, par Corneille Gailliard, roi et héraut d'armes de I'empereur Charles-Quint, publié…, par J. van Malderghem…, Bruxelles, 1866Google Scholar. Gailliard died in 1563.
page 128 note 6 MS. I. 28, f. 12. The volume has been given the title ‘Ancient Rules of Blason’.
page 128 note 7 Bibl. Nat., Paris, MS. franc. 11463, f. 31. Le Boucq, an amateur herald of Valenciennes, was born in 1490 and died in 1567.
page 128 note 8 Jacques Leboucq, painter and genealogist, appointed herald by Charles V, Toison d'Or King of Arms par intérim 1559Google Scholar, ‘lieutenant du Roy d'armes de la Toison d'Or’ 1564-1572Google Scholar; died 1573. Most of his manuscripts were destroyed in a fire, but a few have survived including a nicely emblazoned treatise, Le Blason des Armes, finished in 1564 (Brussels MS. 7452; Bibl. Nat., Paris, MS. franç. 9491). (Information from Dr. Adam, ; Biographie nationale de Belgique, vol. xi, col. 535.)Google Scholar
page 128 note 9 Sancta, Silvester Petra, Tesserae Gentilitiae, Rome, 1638, p. 321Google Scholar. Segoing, Charles, Le Trésor Héraldique ou Mercure Armorial, Paris, 1657, pp. 122, 202Google Scholar.
page 128 note 10 Geliot, Louvan, Indice Armorial, Paris, 1635, p. 272Google Scholar.
page 128 note 11 Varennes, Marc-Gilbert de, Le Roy d'Armes, Paris, 1635, p. 240Google Scholar.
page 128 note 12 Colombière, Marc Vulson de la, La Science Héroique, Paris, 1644, p. 142Google Scholar. Both Vulson and de Varennes cite the alleged arms of Ebrard de St. Sulpice. The coat in question is that of Vayrac: Argent semy of sable crosslets and a lion sable. It was quartered by the Ebrards from about 1417 until the extinction of the family in 1581. It was not until they had been extinct for forty years or so that we find the crosses described as ombres. The first instance is in Breton's, Hector LeArmorial du St. Esprit (Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, fonds français MS. 25203, f. 60)Google Scholar, and Le Breton was Montjoie King of Arms from 1615 to 1653. Le Breton blazons the coat: ‘d'argent au lion de sable semé d'ombres de croisettes de mesme’. The mistake probably came from his misunderstanding an unfinished drawing, but however it arose it was repeated by author after author. Another ghost which needs to be laid is that attributed to Lexhy, of Liége, a branch of the house of Awans. Rietstap blazons their arms: ‘De vair à l'ombre d'un lion de gueules couronné d'or’. In reality the charge is simply a red lion—see Le Miroir des Nobles de Hesbaye, by Hemricourt, Jacques de (ob. 1403)Google Scholar, printed at Brussels, 1673, p. 46, etc., Borman's edition, 1916-31, vol. i, p. 324.
page 129 note 1 La Vraie et Parfaite Science des Armoiries…, by Palliot, Pierre, Paris, 1660Google Scholar. Facsimile edition, Paris, 1895, p. 449. Palliot's book is a reissue, with additions, of the Indice Armorial of Louvan Geliot. The reference to Ebrard de St. Sulpice is one of Palliot's additions and was evidently taken from de Varennes. It will be noticed that Palliot cross-hatches the shadows which, paradoxically, are only distinguishable from his sable charges by the absence of outline.
page 129 note 2 Spener, P. J., Insignium Theoria, Frankfurt a. M., 1680, and 2nd edit. 1717. See part i, p. 126Google Scholar.
page 129 note 3 Engravings and carvings are on a somewhat different footing, as will appear in the course of this paper.
page 129 note 4 De Varennes does not illustrate an ombre. Vulson's engraving shows a shield charged with a cross the vertical hatchings of which differ no whit from those used elsewhere in the book for the tincture gules.
page 129 note 5 Menestrier, C. F., e.g. in Abrégé Méthodique des Principes Héraldiques ou du Véritable Art du Blason, Lyon, 1677, p. 127Google Scholar; La Méthode du Blason, Lyon, 1688, p. 57Google Scholar; La Science de la Noblesse ou la nouvelle Méthode du Blason, Paris, 1691, p. 46Google Scholar. In other books (e.g. La nouvelle Méthode raisonnée du Blason, Lyon, 1701, etc., pp. 6-7, 21, 38)Google Scholar he mentions the Ombre du Soleil, but says nothing of any other sort of shadow. The idea of the ombre du soleil is purely French, the theory being that the sun must necessarily be gold, and that if it is of any other colour it is not the sun but only its shadow. In such cases the features which normally distinguish the sun's face are often omitted. The only British example I have noticed was entered in the Lyon Register in 1829 for Sligo of Carmyle: Gules on a saltire between a falcon volant in chief and three covered cups in the flanks and base or l'ombre du soleil of the first ( Paul, J. B., Ordinary of Scottish Arms, 1903, no. 5167)Google Scholar. Count de Foras, whose book Le Blason (Grenoble, 1883, see p. 305)Google Scholar is generally, though with little reason, regarded as authoritative, will have nothing of the shadow, whether of the sun, of a lion, or of anything else. He thinks that the so-called shadows are simply misreadings of painted charges of which the colour has faded or from which the pigment has flaked or rubbed off. His strictures are directed mainly against the ombre du soleil, and in that regard he is no doubt justified, but he is certainly at fault in repudiating the other shadows.
page 129 note 6 Nouveau Traité de Blason, par Victor Bouton, Paris, 1863, p. 332Google Scholar.
page 129 note 7 Manuel du Blason, by Galbreath, D. L., Lausanne, and Lyons, , 1942, p. 92:Google Scholar ‘Un meuble, un lion, par exemple, peut être du même émail que le champ qui le porte, et n'être indiqué que par le trait du contour. Dans ce cas, il est appelé un lion en ombre ou une ombre de lion.’
page 129 note 8 Fourez, , L'Héraldique, Manuel d'InitiationGoogle Scholar; undated. The dedication is dated December 1942. The book was written while the author was a prisoner of war in Germany.
page 129 note 9 The theories of the shadow propounded by Gevaert, Emile (L'Héraldique, son esprit, son langage et ses applications, Brussels and Paris, 1923, p. 169) andGoogle ScholarGheusi, P. B. (Le Blason, Paris, 1933, p. 241)Google Scholar are too absurd for repetition. Gevaert says, I know not on what authority, that, ‘Les armes primitives de Bruxelles, de gueules plain, porterent l'ombre de Saint Michel.’
page 129 note 10 Annales du Cercle Archéologique de Mons, vol. 17, p. 457 seq.
page 129 note 11 ‘L'ombre héraldique’, by Galbreath, D. L., vol. 42, 1928, p. 4Google Scholar; ‘A propos de l'Ombre du Lion’, by H: S. London and S. M. Collins, vol. 53, 1939, p. 118; and ‘Toujours l'Ombre’, by Galbreath, D. L., vol. 58, 1944, p. 81Google Scholar.
page 130 note 1 d'Arcq, Douët, Inventaire de la Collection des Sceaux de l'Empire, 3 vols., Paris 1863-1868, vol. iii, s. n. TrazegniesGoogle Scholar. Demay, G., Inventaire des Sceaux de la Flandre, 2 vols., Paris, 1873, s.nGoogle Scholar. Steenhuse and Trazegnies. Raadt, J. T. de, Sceaux Armoriés des Pays-Bas, 4 vols., Brussels, 1897-1903, s.n. Trazegnies, Beugnies, Florenville, Hem-bize, Poucques, Roeulx, Steenhuijs, and in the Appendix, s. n. Abbaye, Hamal, and HembizeGoogle Scholar.
page 130 note 2 The arms of one branch or another occur in a score or more medieval (pre-1500) armorials, as well as in later collections. I am indebted to Dr. Adam for almost all the references to these. Of the medieval rolls the following are in print, wholly or partially: Compiègne, c. 1278 (see p. 131, n. 1); Navarre, c. 1370 (see p. 132, n.6); Tournoide Bruges, 1392; Frisian Campaign, 1396 (see also p. 131, n. 8); Partisans de Bourgogne, 1421; Armorial de l'Europe et de la Toison d'Or (see p. 134, n. 5); Armorial de Berry (seep. 134,n.6); Armorial d'Assignies, second half of the fifteenth century. For all these as well as for the Bigot roll see Dr. Adam's, Catalogue des Armoriaux Français Imprimés (reprinted from the Nouvelle Revue Héraldique, Paris, 1946, pp. 19Google Scholar seq.). The Bigot Roll is being prepared by Dr. Adam for publication in the near future in the Archives Héraldiques Suisses. He is also preparing a complete catalogue of medieval French rolls of arms, printed and unprinted. The arms of the competitors at the Tournoi de Bruges in 1392 are painted in two manuscripts of Rene's, KingLivre des Tournois (Bibl. Nat., Paris, MSS. franc. 2692, 2693)Google Scholar, and they are reproduced in monochrome on the end-papers to the recent abridgement of that work (see p. 147, n. 10 below). Among them are the arms of Arnoud van Sweveghem: Bendy of six or and azure a lion in ombre in a border gobony gules and ermine, and those of De Heere van Steenhuse: the same but with the border gules and argent. See also p. 133, n. 7, and p. 140, n. 1.
page 130 note 3 It is worth noting that the Counts of Hainault and Holland of the Avesnes line bore Bendy or and gules, and that Jean de Cisoing (living 1185) married Petronille, daughter of Wautier d'Avesnes (ob. 1147). This no doubt explains the Cisoings' bendy coat. The Wedergrate family, who wore Bendy or and azure in a plain border gules, were of Cisoing stock, sprung perhaps from a younger son of the Jean de Cisoing who was living in 1188 and 1218. They are regarded by Van der Straten-Ponthoz as a branch of Trazegnies, but apart from the similarity of the arms I have seen no evidence for that affiliation.
page 130 note 4 The Trazegnies pedigree has been traced back to 1135 ( Poncelet, Edouard in Biographie Nationale de Belgique, art. Trazegnies, vol. xxv, col. 555)Google Scholar, or even earlier ( Butkens, , Trophées de Brabant, 1724-1726, vol. ii, p. 168)Google Scholar.
page 130 note 5 Demay, no. 1661. If that lion had any special significance it has escaped me. For a moment I thought that it might allude to the fact that Gilles was Constable of Flanders, but he only held that post during the minority of the children of his wife Ailide de Boulaere by her first husband Philippe de Harnes, hereditary Constable, and he only married Ailide in 1197 (Biog. Nat. Belg., vol. 25, col. 575).
page 130 note 6 Annales du Cercle Archéologique de Mons, vol. xiv, 1877, p. 1Google Scholar, etc.; and vol. xvii, 1884, p. 1, etc.; see vol. xvii, p. 72.
page 130 note 7 Loc. cit.
page 130 note 8 Both writers date this c. 1335; it should be c. 1370.
page 131 note 1 Printed divers times, especially as ‘La Noblesse Hennuyère au Tournoi de Compiègne de 1238’, by Armand de Behault; ibid., vol. xxii, 1890, p. 61 seq. See p. 96, no. 147. The date 1238 is impossible; it should be about 1278.
page 131 note 2 cDemay, no. 1663, and de Raadt, iv, 50, an equestrian seal of 63 mm. diameter. Both buckler and trappings are charged with the arms, bendy of six pieces in an engrailed border.
page 131 note 3 Dering Roll no. 301 for ‘Otes Trasenie’, Bendy of six or and azure in a plain border gules (Phillipps MS. 31146, novr penes Mr. A. R. Wagner, F.S.A., Richmond Herald). There are several copies of this roll (see Reliquary, vol. xvii, 1876-1877, p. 16)Google Scholar, and they differ both in details of the arms and in the spelling of the name. FitzWilliam (or Planché's) Roll, Otes de Trasignies: Or three bends azure in a border engrailed gules (Soc. Ant. MS. 664, Roll n, no. 443. Cf. Genealogist, N.s. iv, 198, where the name ia given as ‘Otes de Tasogines’, and vii, 38).
page 131 note 4 Bibl. Nat., Paris, MS. 2249 franç., ff. 40-108.
page 131 note 5 So named from a former owner, Hector Le Breton, Montjoie King of Arms 1615-53, and the present owner, Count Chandon de Briailles.
page 131 note 6 Louis de Bruges, whom Edward IV created earl of Winchester in 1472, was Prince de Steenhuse in right of his mother, Margaret, daughter and heiress of Félix Prince de Steenhuse.
page 131 note 7 Op. cit., no. 1630.
page 131 note 8 I was tempted to see a parallel to this in the coat depicted in J. M. Lion's edition of the Frisian Campaign Roll for ‘Li singr de trasengi’, namely Bendy of six pieces or and azure with a lion argent debruised by the first and second blue bands (pl. i, no. 14), but no such coat is to be found in any of the manuscripts of this roll which Dr. Adam has examined, and Lion's work is not considered reliable (see, for example, Berchem, von, Galbreath, , and Hupp, , 'Die Wappenbücher des deutschen Mittelalters, in Beiträge zur Geschichte der Heraldik, Berlin, 1939, p. 27Google Scholar; Adam, , Catalogue…, p. 5)Google Scholar. Apart from other shortcomings Lion mixes up two distinct rolls, that of the Frisian Campaign of 1396 and that of the Siege of Gorin-chem in 1402. Both those rolls give the arms of Ansel de Trazegnies: Bendy or and azure with the ombre of a lion and a border engrailed gules (Lion, , pl. iii, no. 17Google Scholar, omits the ombre). The earlier roll also gives the coat of Sir Jehan de Hembize; Bendy of six pieces or and azure with the ghost of a lion and a border gules semy of silver roundels. This last coat is also given by Lion (pl. iv, no. 16) with the unimportant difference that he makes the field Bendy of five pieces azure and or.
page 132 note 1 Dr. Galbreath arrived at the same conclusion quite independently. After the above passage was written he wrote to me: ‘I think that the aberrant types in the 1308 seal and some of the armorials are due to the engraver's or painter's uncertainty how to,indicate the ombre. The engraver in particular, who does not normally deal in outlines, would be rather put to it, and the interlacing of the bends seems to me to be quite a bright way out of the difficulty.’ A similar effect of interlacing is to be seen in a Munich manuscript of 1562, Codex iconographicus 265. This contains, in the body of the roll, three Trazegnies coats, nos. 203, 257, and 559, attributed to the lords of Overbrakele (Hembize), Zweveghem, and Steenhuse respectively, and in each case instead of a bendy field with the lion's shadow stretching over all the stripes, we have a gold field charged with the umbra and with three (two in no. 559) blue bends over all. The three chevrons in the arms of Courtraisins (no. 124, see also below) surmount the ombre in like manner. The coat of Steenhuse appears a second time, no. 638, among the ‘Baenderyes’ (bannerets), but here it is in the usual form, Bendy of six or and azure with the ombre of a lion over all and a border gobony argent and gules. An odd feature is that the segments of the gobony borders are cut diagonally; they might be blazoned gobony embelif. A variant of the Hembize coat is mentioned on p. 133, n. 6. This manuscript was published in 1919 at Brussels and Paris as Armorial de Flandre du XVIe siècle; the introduction is by Paul Bergmans, whence i t is cited hereinafter as the Bergmans Roll
page 132 note 2 MS. 2 L 12, f. 16v. The ‘Sgr de Zueveghem’ is said t o have borne the umbra at a tournament at Lille in 1361. A manuscript formerly in the Hangouwart collection (afterwards bought by Dr. Kurt Mayer; present where abouts unknown) blazons his arms ‘de Bourgogne [Bendy or and azure in a border gules] a l'ombre de lion’, while MS. 806 in the town library at Valenciennes has the shield painted with the outline of a lion. It is, however, doubtful whether the date 1361 is correct. Dr. Adam thinks that the so-called tournament of 1361 is the same as that held at Lille in 1435, which is about the time when the Valenciennes MS. was painted.
page 132 note 3 Douët d'Arcq, no. 10498; Archives Royales, Brussels, nos. 11575, 22578 (cf. de Raadt, iv, 50 and pis. 51 and 202). The shield on the first seal is blazoned by Douet d'Arcq as ‘un bandé de six pièces sur une ombre de lion (cas rare) et a la bordure engrêlée’. He is, however, at fault in saying that the bendy is over the shadow; the contrary is true, the shadow-outline being clearly visible on all the stripes.
page 132 note 4 Coulon, A., Sceaux de Bourgogne, Paris, 1912, p. 87, no. 513Google Scholar.
page 132 note 5 De Raadt, iv, 50 and pi. 154; Demay, no. 1660. These are two specimens of the same seal, the documents being dated 1405 and 1417 respectively. It would seem that the enormous sunflower or marguerite and the little badge with which the seal is strewn must have some meaning, but I have found no clue to it.
page 132 note 6 No. 1222. The principal manuscript of this roll is in the Bibl. Nat., Paris, no. 14356 franc. It was published in part and somewhat defectively by d'Arcq, Douët in the Cabinet Historique (Paris, 1859-1860)Google Scholar as ‘Armorial de France de la fin du XIVe siècle’. See Adam, , op. cit., no. 13, andGoogle ScholarWagner, A. R., Heralds and Heraldry, London, 1939, p. 53Google Scholar. It was probably compiled by Martin Carbonnel, Navarre King of Arms c. 1369-78. The unpublished portions and the Flemish section have recently been edited by Dr. Adam, in the Nouvelle Revue Héraldique, 1947. P. 49Google Scholar.
page 132 note 7 SeeWagner, , op. cit., p. 52Google Scholar; Berchem, von, Galbreath, , and Hupp, , op. cit., p. 12Google Scholar; Raadt, de, op. cit. i, 104Google Scholar; Lyna, , Catalogue des MSS de la Bibliothèque Royale à Bruxelles, vol. xiiGoogle Scholar, Héraldique. The original manuscript is in the Royal Library at Brussels, MS. 15652-6. A facsimile edition, with hand-painted lithographs, was published by Victor Bouton: Wapenboek ou Armorial de 1334 à 1372…par Gelre Heraut d'Armes…, Paris and Brussels, 4 vols., 1881-1886Google Scholar. References are to this edition, a copy of which is n i the British Museum.
page 133 note 1 PI. 104, no. 3; the mantling is gules, the chapeau gules turned up ermine, and the crest all white except for the gold collars.
page 133 note 2 Arch.Hér. Suisses, vol. 60, 1946. 78Google Scholar. The manuscript, fonds franç, no. 5230, has lain in the Bibl. Nat. at Paris for nearly 300 years and was unknown and unnoticed until it came to the eyes of Dr. Adam, who is preparing a first instalment for publication in the Archives Héraldiques Suisses. It belonged at one time to the Sieur de Bellenville, that is Antoine de Beaulaincourt, Toison d'Or King of Arms, 1550-9. Some parts of this roll evidently preceded Gelre's work and were copied into that armorial.
page 133 note 3 F. 39 v.
page 133 note 4 Bellenville, f. 36v.; Gelre, pl. 98, no. 4, and pi. 152, no. 7. There are minor differences in the colouring of the two crests.
page 133 note 5 Seal of Segher van Embise on a document of that date. De Raadt (ii, 60) blazons this as a lion with three bends over all and a plain border charged with fourteen roundels, but I take it that a shadow was intended, for in the roll of the Frisian Campaign of 1396 Sir Jehan de Hembize bears an ombre (see p. 131, n. 8). The shadow is also given in several later rolls (e.g. Tournoi de Lille 1438, and C. Gailliard, p. 39), as well as on sixteenth-century seals (de Raadt, iv, 473, 474).
page 133 note 6 Bergmans Roll, no. 203, ‘Les siegneurs de Over-brakele; leur surnom est de Imbiese’, Or the shadow of a lion with three bends azure over all, all in a border gules (cf. p. 132, n. 1). A peculiar variant of this coat is given in the same roll for ‘Imbiesen’, no. 741, among the patricians (‘nobles burgois’) of Ghent; this is Bendy ofsixpieces azure and or with a lion rampant argent over all and a border engrailed argent. I suspect that this is an unfinished painting.
page 133 note 7 Armorial d'Urfé. Dr. Adam considers this the fullest and most important of the medieval French rolls. It is in blazon and dates from the beginning of the fifteenth century. It includes the following items: le sire de Trasegnies, bende d'or et d'asur à l'ombre d'un lion a la bordure de gueules, et crie Silly; Le sire de Cisoing, bende d'or et d'asur; Le sire de Steenhuse, telles armes a la bordure de gueules (another manuscript adds: à l'ombre de lion, et crie Silly); celui de Florenville, bende d'argent et d'asur a la bordure de gueules dentee a l'ombre d'un lion, et crie Silly. See also p. 134, n. 6 and p. 140, n. 1.
page 134 note 1 His arms are so painted in an Armorial of the Order of St. Antoine de Barbefosse, in Hainaut (Bibl. Royale, Brussels, Goethals MS. 707, painted c. 1416-25). He was admitted to the Order in 1418. The arms on the main shield are doubtless his mother's. The lion-outline is clearly visible on the Trazegnies quarter. The same armo-rial contains another ghost: Bendy gules and azure a lion in ombre; this shield is not named. See a paper by Félix Hachez on the above manuscript in Annales de l'Académie royale a'Archéologie de Belgique, vol. 55, 1903, pp. 93Google Scholar seq.; for the above Michaut, see p. 110.
page 134 note 2 Op. cit., p. 58. Figs. 2-5 and 7-11 are my own interpretation of the arms; some of the rolls in question are in blazon only; in other cases no satisfactory photograph was available.
page 134 note 3 Anseau de Trazegnies, who died in 1418 (brother of Ostes VIII), left a daughter and heiress, Anne, Dame de Trazegnies et de Silly. She married Arnou de Hamal and had by him a son, Anseau, Seigneur de Trazegnies, etc., who assumed his mother's name and arms and was the ancestor of the present Marquis de Trazegnies.
page 134 note 4 So far as seals are concerned the ombre occurs in the inventories, in one branch or another, twenty-one times between 1374 and 1794, while only six seals are blazoned as bearing a lion in corpore, one fourteenth century, two fifteenth, two seventeenth, and one late eighteenth century. Even if the blazon correctly interprets the engraver's intention (and for reasons already indicated I doubt if it does) these six seals are not enough to vitiate the above statement.
page 134 note 5 Ancien Armorial Equestre de la Toison d'Or et de l'Europe au 15e siècle…reproduit d'après le MS. 4190 de la Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, par Lorédan Larchey, Paris, 1890Google Scholar. Larchey failed to recognize the shadow. On pl. 83 the arms are: Bendy of six pieces or and azure in a plain border gules, but the text (p. 194) says that ‘un lion passant [sic] a été esquisse sur le tout mais le croquis n'a pas été peint.’. The lion-outline is in fact rampant. In subsequent notes this manuscript is cited as: Armorial Equestre.
page 134 note 6 Armorial de France, Angleterre:…composé vers 1450 par Gilles le Bouvier dit Berry Premier Roi d'Armes de Charles VII, published, in part, by Viriville, Vallet de, Paris, 1866Google Scholar. The original manuscript is in the Bibl. Nat., fonds franc. 4985. Cf. Wagner, , op. cit., p. 54Google Scholar. De Viriville also (p. 132, no. 888) failed to recognize the shadow, for he blazons the coat ‘d'argent à trois bandes d'azur, à la bordure engreslée de gueules, un lion de sable brochant sur le tout’. In the manuscript, however, there is only the outline of the lion, and Guichenon, in transcribing this roll (Arsenal MS. 4802, p. 56), blazons the entry thus: ‘le s de florainville d'A a III bandes B sur le tout ung ombre de lyon et une bordure engrelee G’. See also ‘Les Blasons Lorrains de 1'Armorial de Gilles le Bouvier’, by Marot, Pierre (in Mémoires de la Société d'archéologie lorraine, vol. lxvii; reprint, Nancy, 1928)Google Scholar; this (no. 43) also gives the ombre.
page 134 note 7 The manuscript (apparently private property) was published in facsimile at Lille in 1911 by J. and M. van Driesten, see p. 129. In this painting the artist has gone rather beyond the bare outline of an earlier day. A similar, over-elaborated shadow is to be seen for Florainville, no. 171, in Le Simple Crayon de la Noblesse de Lorraine, by Husson, Mathieu l'Escossois, Nancy, 1674; republished 1857Google Scholar.
page 134 note 8 Armorial de Belgique, by d'Altenstein, Baron Isid de Stein, 1845, pl. 157Google Scholar. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the shadow was sometimes converted into a sable lion, e.g. by d'Hozier (cited by Bouton, Victor in De I'ancienne Chevalerie de Lorraine, 1861, p. 87)Google Scholar andGenois, St. (Armorial du Hainaut, eighteenth century, published 1944)Google Scholar.
page 135 note 1 In a deed of 1270 he styles himself Eustasses del Rues sires de Trasignies. He sealed that deed with the three lions of Roeulx, but the counterseal displays the Traze-gnies bendy in a grailed border (de Raadt, iii, 252).
page 135 note 2 Poncelet, E. in Biog. Nat. Beige, vol. xxv, col. 591Google Scholar. As Agnes did not die until 1287 and the ombre had disappeared from her uncle's seal in 1284, it would seem that he must have dropped the charge on the death of Eustace du Roeulx, or perhaps when the pact was made. In 1279 (was this before the pact?) Agnes's second son Otto du Roeulx used the name Trazegnies and sealed with the arms of Trazegnies with a canton of Roeulx (Demay, no. 1662; cf. ‘Le Roeulx, ses seigneurs…’, by Lejeune, T. in Annales du Cercle Archéologique de Mons, vol. xxii, 1890, p. 229)Google Scholar.
page 135 note 3 The fact that there was no charge on the Trazegnies shield which could be reduced to a shadow is a difficulty, but perhaps not insuperable. If Otto IV was attracted by the idea he might well have conceived the notion of adding some charge for the purpose, and in that case what could be more appropriate than a lion? His grandfather used it as supporter, and it was borne by Brabant and Hainault, the two dynasts with whom the Trazegnies were most closely associated.
page 135 note 4 Poncelet, (op. cit., col. 566) andGoogle Scholar Dr. Galbreath see in it a recurrence of Gilles II's supporter. That might explain the addition of a lion, but it would not account for the choice of its ghost.
page 135 note 5 Courtraisin and the three Ghistelles cadets.
page 135 note 6 Arch. Her. Suisses, lviii, 81.
page 135 note 7 The manuscript has also been referred to as Armorial Liégois de c. 1450. It belonged to the late Freiherr Egon v on Berchem, and in 1944 to the German armorist Dr. Kurt Mayer. It appears to be of Liegois origin but includes arms from all over Europe.
page 135 note 8 Edit. Vallet de Viriville, p. 155, no. 1169. It may be noted that L. de St. Maurice, seigneur de Montpaon (de Monte pavonis), used a peacock as a canting seal-device in 1298, and the local historians attribute to the family of St. Maurice: Azure a peacock or with three estoiles argent in chief (Arch. Her. Suisses, loc. cit). With regard to the bendy field in the Berchem-Mayer Roll, Dr. Adam has pointed out that in the Navarre Roll the Vicomte de Turenne bears Bendy or and gules (no. 1400, Nouvelle Revue Héraldique, 1947, pp. 53, 64)Google Scholar, and he tells me that the Abbé l'Espine (Genealogical collections in the Bibl. Nat., Périgord 64, p. 687) thought that the Seigneurs de Mont-paon might have sprung from the house of Turenne.
page 136 note 1 This is a collection of arms, mainly of Flemish patricians, interpolated in several manuscripts of the Flemish section of the Armorial d'Urfé, notably in MS. 259 of the Dupuy collection in the Bibliothèque Nationale.
page 136 note 2 Goethals MS. 674, an anonymous and rather poorly painted armorial, apparently dating from about the end the fourteenth century.
page 136 note 3 The undifferenced coat of the Courtraisins, Or, 3 alias 4 chevrons gules, occurs in the Vermandois Roll, no. 796, and in the Armorial d'Urfé, no. 101.
page 136 note 4 Siger le Courtroisin, leader of the anglophil party in Flanders and marshal of that county in 1326, married Oda de Rodes and was beheaded in 1337. The arms on his seal are chevronny of 8 pieces ( Demay, , Sceaux des Archives de l'Empire, no. 10367Google Scholar; de Raadt, ii, 271). His son and heir, Siger II, was Ruwart of Flanders in 1345 and adhered to Edward III in 1347. He died before 1350, leaving three sons, of whom Siger III, Sire de Melle and Grand Veneur de Flandre, married Claire de Masmines and died in 1394. On the genealogy of this family see Pauw, de, Cartulaire des Artevelde, pp. 786, 857Google Scholar.
page 136 note 5 Roll, Camden, temp. Ed. I, no. 77:Google Scholar ‘Munsire William de Rodes lescu de asur od un leun rampant dor a une bende de gules’ (Genealogist, iii, 263). The Dering Roll, c. 1270, for ‘William de Rode’ (penes Mr. A. R. Wagner, F.S.A.; cf. Reliquary, xvii, 16) and the FitzWilliam Roll of similar date, no. 376, for ‘de Rode’ (Soc. Ant. MS. 664, roll 11; Genealogist, N.S. iv, 21), both give Azure, a lion or. The de Masmines were of de Rode stock; they cried ‘Rode’, and bore the de Rode lion differenced with a fleur-de-lis gules (Gelre, f. 81; Armorial Equestre, pls. xv and lxxxiv, no. 5; Bergmans Roll, no. 86).
page 136 note 6 Gailliard, p. 16, gives: ‘Le Seigneur de Courtraey, d'or a cinq chevrons, le premier coupe, tout de gueulle, et crye Haerlebeque, Haerlebeque.’
page 137 note 1 Op. cit., p. 54.
page 137 note 2 Armorial d'Urfé, c. 1400: ‘Celui de Quingien, d'argent a iij chevrons de gueules et crie: Courtray’; Assignies Roll, f. 15; Bergmans Roll, no. 259: ‘Les Siegneurs de Quinghien’, Argent, four chevrons gules, no. 673 ‘Coyeghem’, chevronny of nine argent and gules; Gailliard, p. 43: ‘Le Seigneur de Quynghyen: d'argent a quatre chevrons, le premier coupé, de gueulle, et crye: Quynghyen, Quynghyen I'amoureulx.’
page 137 note 3 ‘Le seigneur de Ghystelles de gueulle au chevron d'ermynes, et crye son nom’ (Gailliard, p. 22); also Gelre, f. 80; Navarre Roll, no. 1177; Tournoi de Compiègne, 221; Armorial Equestre, pls. 83, 84; and many other rolls.
page 137 note 4 Ff. 36 v, 37 v
page 138 note 1 F. 80v. This coat was observed by Dr. Adam on a recent visit to Brussels. Bouton's ‘facsimile’ (pl. xcv, no. 5) omits the umbrae.
page 138 note 2 I give this with all reserve. It is based on Le Chambellan de Flandre et les Sires de Ghistelles, by Stirum, T. Comte de Limburg, Gand, 1868Google Scholar(see pedigree opp. p. 186, and text passim). The book appears to be well documented, but since this paper was written Dr. Adam has pointed out that the pedigree differs in many respects from the versions of such reputable Low Country genealogists as Scohier and Blondel de Joigny, whose works I have not seen.
page 138 note 3 Uncle of Gerard de la Woestine according to Limburg Stirum, great-nephew according to others.
page 138 note 4 PI. 99, no. 15. Cf. Dupuy Roll 119, Wouter de Ghistelles', ‘de Ghistelles accompagne de iij étoiles d'argent’; Bergmans Roll, no. 51, 'Messire Wouter de Ghistelles, and no. 56, ‘Les siegneurs de la Mote, surnom est de Ghistelles’, Gules, a chevron ermine between three spur-revels argent; Demay, , Sceaux de la Picardie, no. 354Google Scholar, seal of Jean de Ghistelles, 1366, a chevron ermine between three molets.
page 138 note 5 Cf. Gailliard, p. 58, ‘Le seigneur de Ansebeque, de gueulle au chevron d'ermynes à troes croes ancre d'argent sur le gueulle, et crye: Ghystelles, Ghystelles’. Bergmans Roll, no. 55, gives the arms of ‘Les siegneurs de Geelue, leur surnom fut de Ghistelles’ as Gules, a chevron ermine between three millrind crosses argent. The Gheluwe branch had only a collateral connexion with the Woestine line, although both were descended from Jean II and Isabelle de la Woestine. Limburg Stirum gives, p. 155, the brisures borne by sundry Ghistelles cadets at the end of the fourteenth century, but neither there nor in his other allusions to the Woestine and Eskelbeke lines does he say anything of an ombre.
page 138 note 6 So Limburg Stirum; others make him their son.
page 138 note 7 Gailliard, p. 14, ‘Le seigneur du pays de la Woestyne, de gueulle à la crois ancre d'argent, et crye: Woestyne, Woestyne’. The earlier armorials give no coat for Woestine. In the Fitzwilliam (alias Planché's) Roll, c. 1300, are the arms of ‘Sir de Wuncein’, Gules, a chevron ermine, and ‘Henri sun frere’, the same with a label azure (Genealogist, N.s., iv, 21, nos. 390, 391, and vi, 225). The former is the undifferenced coat of Ghistelles and may be meant for Gerard's father, Jean III de Ghistelles, who was sire de la Woestine jure matris. Limburg Stirum does not mention any Henri de Ghistelles about that date.
page 138 note 8 PI. xi, opp. p. 124.
page 138 note 9 Note that precedence is given to her paternal coat.
page 140 note 1 This manuscript appears to date from c. 1460-80 and was probably compiled in the Low Countries. It contains the following Trazegnies ghosts: f. 4v, ‘Les armes de trasegnies bende dor et dazur a ung ombre de lion sur le tout et la bordure endente de gueulle’; the border is drawn engrailed; f. 18, ‘Les armes de Floreville’, Bendy of six argent and azure, an ombre de lion in a border engrailed gules; f. 99 v, ‘Silly’ (a Trazegnies lordship), Bendy of six or and azure, with a lion in ombre and a plain border gules. The two latter items are not blazoned. The comtes de Mastaing were of the family of Jauche, whose undiffer- enced coat occurs on f. 4 v, ‘Les armes de Gomegnies de gueulle a la fece dor et wibre dor sur le chief’.
page 140 note 2 Armi Ò Blasoni dei Patritij Veneti, Co' Nomi di quelli, che per I'Età si trouano capaci…, Venice, 1694Google Scholar; and Blasone Veneto, o Gentilizie Insegne delle Famiglie Patrizie, Oggi esistenti in Venezia, 1706Google Scholar.
page 140 note 3 A search of Sir G. Hill's extensive collections on Italian heraldry has failed to produce any other mention of this coat, or any clue to the date of its adoption.
page 140 note 4 Sciaenaaquila, themaigre or meager, also called ombria and umbrina di canale ( Hoare's, Italian Dictionary)Google Scholar.
page 140 note 5 Die Wappenrolle von Zurich, edit. Drs. Merz, and Hegi, , Zürich, 1930Google Scholar. See no. 516 and pl. xxv. The coat is unnamed but has been identified by the editors.
page 140 note 6 Op. cit., p. lxvi, and foot of pl. xxvii.
page 141 note 1 At least in Bernhauser's copy, the relevant portion of which is reproduced by Drs. Merz and Hegi. I have not seen the Aulendorfer copy. This elaboration is not conclusive. The Trazegnies lion in the Grand Armorial de la Toison d'Or is just as elaborate and that is undoubtedly an ombre.
page 141 note 2 Doubt as to the colour of the fess, blue or green, seems less significant.
page 141 note 3 Browne, John, The History of the Metropolitan Church of St. Peter, York, London, 1847, pp. 238–9, andGoogle ScholarA Description of the Glass in the Windows of York Minster, York, 1859, pp. 222Google Scholar, 226, 227, 249; Purey-Cust, A. P., Heraldry of York Minster, vol. i, Leeds, 1890, pl. i, and pp. 82Google Scholar, 95-6, 99; Knowles, J. W., Historical Notes on the Stained Glass in York Cathedral (1920)Google Scholar, manuscript in the Victoria and Albert Museum library 86 H 10, pp. 513 seq.; Rev. Harrison, F., ‘The West Choir Clerestory Windows in York Minster’, in Yorkshire Archaeological Journal, vol. xxvi, 1922, p. 361Google Scholar seq. The five lower shields are tricked in Sir Dugdale's, W.Yorkshire Arms (manuscript in College of Arms), f. 96bGoogle Scholar, but without any lion on the bends. In the Description Browne draws all the lions with their heads in profile, but in the History he speaks of them as guardant, and both J. W. Knowles, who examined the shields at close quarters, and Dean Purey-Cust agree with that blazon. It has not been possible to inspect the glass as this was removed for safety during the war. The opportunity was, however, taken to have it cleaned and photographed, and Canon Harrison was good enough to show me the photograph of the most legible of these shields. After 500 years' exposure the glass is badly corroded and it is not easy to say what the marks on the bend represent, but after a very careful examination I came to the conclusion that it is in fact, as earlier writers said, the outline of a lion with the head turned full-face or guardant. With this conclusion both Canon Harrison and our Fellow Mr. J. A. Knowles concur.
page 141 note 4 Knowles, J. W., op. cit., p. 514Google Scholar. He says that he himself took the difference marks from the ledge outside the window in July 1894.
page 142 note 1 Sir Nicolas, Harris, The Scrope and Grosvenor Controversy, 1832, ii, 98, 119, 132Google Scholar, etc. Brit. Mus. seals 13353, 13367, 13377.
page 142 note 2 Brit. Mus. seal 13367.
page 142 note 3 Sir Dugdale's, William ‘Yorkshire Arms’ (MS. in Col. Arm.), f. 115bGoogle Scholar.
page 142 note 4 See D.N.B., Nicolas, , op. cit., etcGoogle Scholar.
page 142 note 5 Rymer, ix, 272; Nicolas, , op. cit., p. 142 seqGoogle Scholar.
page 142 note 6 Before his father's death in 1406 the label would be gobony, see below.
page 143 note 1 Nicolas, i, 98, and ii, 14, 17, etc.; Nativity Roll no. 9; Parliamentary Roll no. 1078; Cook's Ordinary, temp. Ed. Ill (Phillipps MS. 26463 penes Mr. A. R. Wagner): Brit. Mus. seal 13358; Hunter-Blair, C. H., Durham SealsGoogle Scholar(Soc. Ant. Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1911-21, and reprint), no. 2200 and pl. 23; cf. Archaeologia Aeliana, 3rd ser., iii, 244. This purple lion was, however, borne in chief, a fact which was brought out very clearly by the prior of Guisborough, one of Lord Scrape's witnesses in his case against Sir R. Grosvenor. In the course of his evidence the prior blazoned the coat; ‘dazure ove un bende dor ove un petit lyoncelle de purpir en le caunton descu paramont sur le bende’ (Nicolas, i, 98).
page 143 note 2 Op. and loc. cit.
page 143 note 3 Op. cit., p. 99.
page 143 note 4 Heraldic Notices of Canterbury Cathedral, London, 1827, pp. III, 112Google Scholar, nos. 398 and 419.
page 143 note 5 ‘The Heraldry in the Cloisters of the Cathedral Church of Christ at Canterbury’, in Archaeologia, lxvi, 1915, pp. 517Google Scholar, 519, and pl. 40, fig. 11. A complete set of the photographs taken at that time (before the shields were cleaned and painted) is preserved in a copy of that paper in the Society's library. PI. xxix, a, b, c have been reproduced from these photographs.
page 144 note 1 p. 225.
page 144 note 2 Messenger, A. W. B.F.S.A., The Heraldry of Canterbury Cathedral, Canterbury, 1947, p. 110Google Scholar. Mr. J. A. Knowles, F.S.A., tells me that the lion on the similar shield in York Minster is now painted brown.
page 144 note 3 See p. 143, n. 1. The fact that the charge is a lion might be thought to point to the chief justice, but in early heraldry the distinction between lions and leopards was not strictly observed.
page 144 note 4 Both Griffin and Messenger blazon this as a label with two billets on each pendant, but as the ‘billets’ stretch right across the pendants I take ‘gobony’ to be the better blazon even though the fillet is of a single colour.
page 144 note 5 Thomas 6th Lord Scrope of Masham used the label as difference on his seal (Brit. Mus. no. 13377). He was grandson of Sir Henry's brother and successor, John.
page 144 note 6 Both Elizabeth and her daughter were alive in 1498, but Sir Christopher, Agnes's first husband, must have died fifteen years or more before that, for her second husband, Sir Richard Radclyffe, was slain at Bosworth in 1485 ( Nicolas, , op. cit., p. 59)Google Scholar.
page 144 note 7 No. 339.
page 145 note 1 The collection was edited by Mr. C. H. Hunter Blair i n 1930 for the Surtees Society, vol. cxliv. In addition to the copies described in the introduction to that volume, p. xi seq., two copies have since been identified in the ff College of Arms. One of these, M4, ff. 99-131, is either the original or an almost contemporary copy; the other, E7, is of much later date. The collection is clearly the work of a skilled herald, and may perhaps be attributed to Christopher Carlill, Norroy King of Arms 1493-1510 (see Wagner, , op. cit., p. 106)Google Scholar. The Boynton pedigree is on f. 135 of M4 and f. 75 of E7. Many pedigrees from this collection were copied into the Norcliffe MS. printed by the Harleian Society, vol. xvi, as The Visitation of Yorkshire 1563 and 1564 (see p. 34 for Boynton).
page 145 note 2 Vol. liii, 1939, p. 119.
page 145 note 3 Col. Arm. MS. M4, f. 135.
page 145 note 4 The pedigree is headed by his great-grandfather, Sir Thomas, but he is given no arms, although we know from Willement's Roll that he bore the fesse uncharged.
page 145 note 5 Does it refer to the manor of Sedbury ? This belonged to the Scropes of Masham until the early part of the fifteenth century (V.C.H., West Riding of Yorks. i, 79), and it seems to have passed to the Boyntons before Sir Christopher's marriage to Agnes Scrope, for one pedigree at least styles his father ‘of Sadbery’.
page 145 note 6 Col. Arm. MSS. D4, ff. 32b, 51; D9, ff. 16b, 30b; E6, ff. 26b (20) and 14 (8). See also Surtees Society, xli, 42.
page 145 note 7 The shadow-outline is also painted yellow in the Heralds' MS. Lio, f. 84b, which is little if any later than Tonge's Visitation. This manuscript does not blazon the arms, but another manuscript of similar date, Li, f. 34, says ‘Boynton of Sudbery beryth gold on a fece-betwene thre cressantes geules a lyon in umbre’; the lion is, however, omitted from the accompanying painting. Similarly, Thomas Wall's Book of Arms (MS. penes Soc. Ant.), which was compiled in the very year Tonge visited the north country, 1530, blazons the arms ‘gold a fesse betwene thre cresantes geules on the fesse a Lion passant in umbre’. In Smith's Ordinary, compiled by William Smith, Rouge Dragon, in 1599 (Coll. Arm. MS. E.D.N. 22, f. 53v.) the arms of Sir T. Bointon de Aclom in Clive-land in co. Ebor.' are tricked with a ‘leo in umbra’ passant on the fess.
page 145 note 8 The omission of this word from the Boynton pedigree in E6, f. 14 (8) I take to be inadvertent.
page 146 note 1 Col. Arm. MSS. D2, f. 19 and H2i, f. 28b.
page 146 note 2 Col. Arm. MS. 2D5, f. 5. See also The Visitation of Yorkshire…1584-5, edited by Foster, Joseph, privately printed, 1875Google Scholar; and Constable's Roll in Surtees Soc, xli, viii.
page 146 note 3 Col. Arm. MS. C40, f. 80.
page 146 note 4 V.C.H., N. Riding, i, 81 and pl. opp. p. 80. The slab s i on the wall of the tower. In view of the variations in the manuscripts I dare not affirm that a shadow was intended, although that is by no means impossible. Sir Henry was son of Sir Christopher and Agnes.
page 146 note 5 Coll. Arm. MS. G2, f. 81. I have to thank Mr. E. A. Mitchell, herald-painter, for bringing this to my notice.
page 146 note 6 Coll. Arm. MS. CI, f. 415. I say ‘seems’ because the arms are only shown by a trick which is not as clear as it might be. The shield in MS. G2 is painted.
page 146 note 7 Coll. Arm. MS. M3, f. 5v. The compiler William Ballard was March King of Arms from about 1477 until his death in or just before 1490.
page 146 note 8 Peats or turves are indistinguishable from billets.
page 146 note 1 e.g. Coll. Arm. MSS. 1 D14, f. 317 (1580 Visitation of Cheshire) and E.D.N. Alphabet, c. 1700.
page 146 note 10 A painted roll without blazon, penes Sir Sydney Cockerell, see f. 26 v, no. 1037.
page 146 note 11 Coll. Arm. MS. LI, f. 258: ‘Filkyn beryth silver the feld billetted in a scochin in umbryd a cressant sable.’ I have to thank our Fellow, Mr. Ff. D. Butchart, for this reference and for bringing the coat to my notice.
page 147 note 1 Soc. Ant. MS. 664, Roll 16, f. zv, early fifteenth century.
page 147 note 2 Brit. Mus. MS. Harl. 521, ff. 52, 55, mid-fifteenth century.
page 147 note 3 f. 198, early sixteenth century.
page 147 note 4 Soc. Ant. MS. 664, Roll 17, ff. 8v, 15, thirteenth century with additions as late as the sixteenth century.
page 147 note 5 Coll. Arm. MS. En, part 2, f. 42.
page 147 note 6 Holme, Randle, Academie of Armorie, vol. ii (ed. Club, Roxburgh), p. 354, col. 1Google Scholar.
page 147 note 7 Coll. Arm. MS. Vincent 173, f. 58b.
page 147 note 8 This is almost identical with the coat of Montalt, Monhaut, Mawhood or Mawde: Argent, three gemel bars sable and over all a lion gules (see N. & Q. cxcii, 85, 83, no).
page 147 note 9 See p. 131, n. 6.
page 147 note 10 Bibl. Nat., Paris, MS. franc. 2692. The illuminations with an abridged text were published as Le Livre des Tournois du Roi René (Verve,, vol. iv, no. 16), Paris, 1946. See pp. 27, 61.
page 147 note 11 Bibl. Roy., Brussels, Goethals MS. 707; see p. 134, n. 1 above.
page 147 note 12 Brit. Mus. MS. Harl. 2169. The armorial was published by Oswald Barron in The Ancestor, vol. iii, etc., and by Foster, Joseph in Two Tudor Books of Arms (De Walden Library), 1904Google Scholar.
page 148 note 1 f. 60 v; Ancestor, ix, 167; Two Tudor Books, pp. 97,98. Barron blazons the cross ‘voided’, Foster calls it ‘entrailed’. Neither description is adequate. Cf. pi. XXVII, a above.
page 148 note 2 Perhaps because he had never met one.
page 148 note 3 In Robert Cooke's version of this collection (Coll. Arm. MS. L8, f. 4v, c. 1560) the charge has become an ordinary cross moline saltireways, neither disjointed nor voided. This trick also is unnamed.
page 148 note 4 f. 67v; Ancestor, ix, 179; Two Tudor Books, p. 111.
page 148 note 5 This was Barren's view although he misread the Syria trick.
page 148 note 6 Paul, Balfour, An Ordinary of Scottish Arms, 1903, no. 3686Google Scholar, etc.; Nisbet, , System of Heraldry, 1804, i, 386Google Scholar. The coat is named by Nisbet as Hamilton of Raploch, but Major Lawson, Rothesay Herald and Lyon Clerk, doubts whether the attribution is correct. The heart is obviously the red heart of Douglas, alluding to Jacoba Douglas, wife of Sir John Hamilton of Cadzow, the fourteenth-century progenitor of the Raploch family (Lt.-Col. Hamilton, Geo., The House of Hamilton, Edinburgh, 1933, p. 731)Google Scholar. But why this insistence on its red colour? A gold or silver heart would have met the case just as well; and indeed a golden heart was, or so it seems, already in use as a matriculated: Gules, a man's heart or betwixt three cinque Raploch brisure, for a year or so before the Udstone and foils ermine within a bordure indented gold (Paul, op. cit., Wishaw matriculations Robert Hamilton of Barns, whose no. 3683). father was a second son of Raploch (Nisbet, i, 387), matriculated: Gules, a man's heart or betwixt three cinquefoils ermine within a bordure indented gold ( Paul, , op. cit., no. 3683)Google Scholar.