First, thanks to two kindly critics, some modifications have to be made in my discussion of Attic neuter plural demes (BSA 1 (1955) 13). I should have quoted Steph. Byz. s.v. Στειριὰ . . . θηλυκῶς καὶ οὐδετὲρως to illustrate the possibility of doubt between feminine singular and neuter plural. Note that the form Στειριὰνδε given in Meineke's text is an emendation for the MS. Στειριὰδε This last is clearly wrong, but Στειριὰδε is at least as possible an emendation. The other two τοπικὰ, Στειριᾶθεν and Στειριοὶ point different ways. Since we do not know where Stephanus found them, nothing useful can be said.

Tomb XVIII in the Gypsades cemetery, south of the Knossos Palace, was excavated by Sinclair Hood, George Huxley, and Nancy Sandars in 1955 and published in 1959.1

The main chamber contained at least 9 burials. Only a handful of objects were found associated with these burials: a small bronze bead with the skull of Skeleton II, 4 small, plain vessels with the skull of Skeleton III, silver ear-rings with Skeleton IV, a lentoid sealstone of hammered silver or meteorite with Burial VII, and a small bronze link with Burial VIII.

In the 1850s Captain T. A. B. Spratt, subsequently to become Admiral and Director of the Mediterranean Survey, was engaged on the charting of the Aegean. This work was interrupted by the Crimean War and later resumed. Captain Spratt had under his command the paddle frigate Spitfire and the tender Auxiliar, from which he necessarily made journeys ashore in Crete in order to complete the triangulation of the Aegean from the mountain summits to the adjacent islands. On these journeys he took a keen interest in the location of Classical sites. In this respect he followed some thirty years after Robert Pashley whose pioneering work Spratt is reported to have been able occasionally to supplement or correct.

The allied forces landed at Salonika early in October 1915. For the first few months, which included the great retreat from Serbia, the military situation was too critical for much attention to be given to antiquities. But towards the end of the year the army of occupation settled down on its defensive lines in the neighbourhood of the town, which ran approximately from the river Galiko, near Naresh, to the sea at Stavros (PI. I.); and as trenches, gun emplacements, and dug-outs were constructed all along these lines, it soon became obvious that there were chances of interesting and valuable discoveries. In particular, the numerous mounds which are familiar to Macedonian archaeologists lent themselves readily to military purposes. I accordingly made a representation to Col. Cunliffe Owen, who was acting as Military Intelligence Officer, and a note was issued in General Orders about the end of December, ordering that all antiquities found should be reported to Headquarters, in order that they should, as soon as possible, be inspected, and, if necessary, taken over by me.

Recently discovered pottery from David Hogarth's 1899 excavation in the Psychro Cave is published in this study. The great majority of these vases can, on the basis of their fabric and decoration, be traced to Malia, Knossos and the Lasithi Plain. During the MM I-LM I A period most of the fine ware pottery dedicated at the Psychro came from Malia. The monumental size of the sanctuary and the large number (and the elite character) of the votives indicates that during MM I B-LM I A Psychro was the main extra-urban sanctuary for the polity centred at Malia. During LM I B-III A1/2 virtually all of the decorated vases from Psychro are Knossian. This change suggests that Mycenaean Knossos assumed control of the sanctuary during this time, and that some of these vases are those referred to in the Linear B tablet from Knossos KN. Fp 1 that lists dedications of oil sent to Dictaean Zeus.

In the Late Bronze Age settlement of Akrotiri on Thera stone vessels were imported, mainly from Crete, in parallel with local production which was in full swing at this time, as testified by the number and variety of products, especially those of everyday domestic use, that covered fully the needs of a large settlement. One group of stone vessels, which is characterised by the innovative character either of the shape or the combination of type and raw material used, includes products that cannot be attributed to known centres of stone vessel manufacture, such as those of Crete, Egypt and the Syro-Palestinian region. The particular interest of this group lies in the fact that parameters such as the choice of the material, the typology and the flourishing stone industry, lead to a clear correlation of specific vessels with related local activity.

The marble statue of a youthful Athena, which was once in the Mattei collection and is now in the Louvre in Paris, has long been regarded as a work of considerable beauty and charm (Plate 66a–c). It seems to be a copy of an original of the fourth century B.C., but because no other versions of the type are known there has been some hesitation in attributing it to a particular sculptural workshop.

Within the last few years the Athena Mattei has emerged as one of the most important ancient copies in existence. For in 1959 a number of bronze statues were found by chance in Piraeus, and amongst them was a magnificent bronze Athena which appears to be the original from which the statue in the Louvre was copied (Plates 67, 68a). It is the purpose of this article to investigate the relationship between the two statues and to consider the implications regarding the date and authorship both of the marble copy and of the bronze original.

This is a report on the excavations undertaken in 2007 at the site of Praisos in eastern Crete. Three trenches were opened just next to the so-called Andreion or Almond Tree House on the NW slopes of the First Acropolis, excavated by R.C. Bosanquet in 1901. The upper layers of two of these trenches (A-200 and A-300) consisted of re-deposited material of Classical and Hellenistic date, which we infer came from Bosanquet's dump. Material from these upper layers comprised tile, pottery (including numerous examples of Cretan necked cups), loomweights and terracotta plaques with a distinct masculine iconography. Excavation also reached lower Late-Classical–Hellenistic floor levels, on which a number of pithoi survived in situ. Some of these pithoi are considerably older than the floor level, a terminus post quem for which is provided by a bronze coin. The abandonment of these houses must be dated to the final phases of Praisos' occupation, before 146 bc. There is however nothing to suggest that the city itself was subject to a fire destruction. Rather, the city seems to have undergone a forced abandonment followed by deliberate demolition.

Located in west-central Crete, the ancient city of Eleutherna attracted considerable scholarly interest at the end of the nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries. Drawing on largely unpublished archival information, this paper sheds light on the first archaeological explorations of the site, describing their aims, scope, vicissitudes, and results. Emphasis is given on the plans that the Italian School of Archaeology at Athens developed for Eleutherna and the excavations conducted there, first by the local ephor, E. Petrulakis, and then by the British School at Athens. The ‘discovery of Eleutherna’ is assessed with reference to the shifting scholarly agenda of Cretan archaeology in that period and its relation to major developments in the island's political history.

Η Ελεύθερνα, μια αρχαία πόλη ευρισκόμενη στο κεντρικό προς δυτικό τμήμα της Κρήτης, προσήλκυσε το έντονο ενδιαφέρον των αρχαιολόγων κατά τα τέλη του 19ου και τον πρώιμο 20ο αιώνα. Αντλώντας πληροφορίες από αδημοσίευτο κυρίως, αρχειακό υλικό, η παρούσα μελέτη επιχειρεί μια ανασύνθεση των πρώτων αρχαιολογικών ερευνών στην αρχαία πόλη, εξετάζοντας τα κίνητρα και τους στόχους τους αλλά και τις δυσκολίες και τα αποτελέσματά τους. Έμφαση δίδεται στα σχέδια της Ιταλικής Αρχαιολογικής Σχολής Αθηνών για την Ελεύθερνα, αλλά και στις ανασκαφές που διενέργησαν στη θέση πρώτα ο τοπικός έφορος αρχαιοτήτων, Ε. Πετρουλάκις, και αργότερα η Βρετανική Σχολή Αθηνών. Η «ανακάλυψη ιης Ηλεύθερνας» εξετάζεται σε σχέση με τις μεταβαλλόμενες ερευνητικές προτεραιότητες της κρητικής αρχαιολογίας της περιόδου αλλά κοα σημαντικές αλλαγές σιην πολιτική ιστορία του νησιού.

In 1964, in the agora at Sparta, Ch. Christou excavated part of a monumental building which is identified as the Persian Stoa. The most important find was a bronze female portrait statue, Roman in date, which is on display in the National Archaeological Museum in Athens (NM 23321). The identification of the statue as Julia Mamaea, suggested by Ch. Christou, is still prevalent, although several scholars see in the Sparta statue iconographical elements that link it with Caracalla's wife Plautilla or with Annia Faustina, Elagabalus' third wife. However, the rendering of the hairstyle provides evidence for the identification of the woman whom the statue depicts as the empress Julia Aquilia Severa, Elagabalus' second and fourth wife. The erection of a statue of Julia Aquilia Severa in the Persian Stoa is most likely connected with the imperial cult of Elagabalus and his empress in Sparta.

The pictures on pp. 230, 231 (Figs. 1, 2) are taken from a red-figured amphora of Panathenaic shape in the Louvre (G 61). They are more curious than comely, but if devoid of merit they are not devoid of interest. Let us put them beside the pictures on p. 233 (Figs. 3, 4), which come from a vase in Count Stroganoff's collection. The lower part of the dress and the sandalled feet are almost line for line the same in both vases; the altars are the same except in one small detail: notice carefully the sleeve in Fig. 1, and compare it with the sleeve in Fig. 4. Other resemblances will strike the eye, but it will be enough to mention one: is there not something odd about the perpendicular fold-lines on the chiton in Fig. 4? in archaic drawing, perpendicular folds go right on until they meet a transverse line; but here they stop of their own accord at Athena's waist: now the grouped folds on the sleeve of Fig. 2 behave in the same obstinate way.

The Louvre vase G 61 has a pendant in the Louvre vase G 60, which is figured by Pottier in his Album, Pl. 95. The subjects are similar: on A of G 61, Athena bending at an altar, holding a spear and a flower; on A of G 62, Athena bending at an altar, holding a wreath and a spray of smilax; on B of G 61, a woman worshipper at an altar, holding a smilax spray; on B of G 60, a man worshipper at an altar, holding a phiale.

The presence of Hellenistic amphora production centres in central and east Crete was demonstrated in the 1990s through the survey carried out by J.-Y. Empereur, Ch. Kritzas and A. Marangou. In addition, more recent studies have placed emphasis on wine as a major component of the rural economy of Crete during that period. However, archaeological evidence from excavated sites and well-stratified contexts remains scarce. The rescue excavation carried out in a private plot at Loutra (Rethymnon, west Crete) by the 25th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities brought to light a Hellenistic farmstead with an olive beam press and a pottery kiln mainly producing amphorae. In this study we focus on the ceramic assemblage from the site. The study of the pottery, coupled with thin-section petrography, adds new evidence for the production of amphorae in west Crete during the Late Hellenistic period, and allows the investigation of issues such as the use of raw materials, the clay pastes and the technology of pottery manufacture. Moreover, the proximity of the kiln to the olive beam press sheds light on the use of amphorae for the trade in olive oil on a local and regional scale.

This article examines Schliemann's own description of his journey through Greece and the Troad in 1868. It begins in Corfu and Kephalonia, and moves on quickly to Ithaca. The article examines Schliemann's concern with Homer in relation to his activities on these islands, as well as relating a Homeric narrative for his journey to concerns in his personal life, and picking out details emphasizing his increasing interest in archaeology. The scene moves on to Athens and Schliemann's view of modern Greece, then to the Peloponnese and his reaction to Mycenae, Tiryns and other Argolid sites. Part two concerns Schliemann's time in the Troad. It deals with the Homeric question and the location of Troy in scholarship up to 1868; an outline of Schliemann's itinerary in the Troad; Schliemann's search for Troy, including excavations at Bunarbashi; and the question of his acquaintance with Hissarlik. The views put forward differ significantly from those previously expressed in regard to the question of Hissarlik. The article concludes with two appendices, one offering extracts from Schliemann's Ithaca diary, the other extracts from his Troad diary.

The practice of acclaiming the Emperors with certain set forms of words is mentioned by the Byzantine chroniclers in their account of the court ceremonies. Both Constantine Porphyrogenitus and the writer of the handbook which goes under the name of Codinus Curopalata give the proceedings in some detail, whereby we learn the names of the court officials, their gorgeous robes, and symbols of office, the various sections of the Imperial guard and the solemn pageantry enacted by them on state occasions, and can easily imagine the pomp, tiresome perhaps, but certainly impressive, that surrounded the Eastern Throne.

The article provides a detailed summary of a large deposit, primarily of pottery, from the 1978–82 Stratigraphical Museum Excavations at Knossos. The deposit is assigned to the Middle Minoan III B – Late Minoan I A transition. The material is used as the basis of a re-examination of this difficult stage in the Minoan ceramic sequence and a wide range of deposits, notable among them the seismic destruction level at Akrotiri on Thera, is able to be linked to the Knossos material in order to define the phase more fully. The wide destruction level thus documented may then be set within the historical development of Minoan civilization.

This methodological paper uses the measurements of the Early Iron Age Toumba building at Lefkandi to study whether a single design-unit can be detected in the data set. Cosine quantogram analysis is used in the initial analysis of the building dimensions and, in the second phase, the relevance of the obtained results is calculated by using Monte Carlo computer simulations. A statistically significant unit of c. 49 cm can be isolated, but because of the very limited number of precise dimensions, this result should only be accepted with caution. The case study demonstrates how the complex statistical problem of deriving the lengths of possibly used design-units in ancient architecture can be approached; metrological analyses can only gain from employing appropriate quantitative methods.

The bibliography is intended as a tribute to Cook and his work, and as an aid to researchers in similar fields. Its main subdivisions reflect his interests—Asia Minor: archaeology, topography and history; Greece: archaeological and topographical studies; Attic Geometric and Protoattic pottery; Greek art (and other topics). Books, articles, and reviews are presented separately. The academic bibliography is preceded by references to material on the life of J. M. Cook, and succeeded by a list of obituary notices.

The Cyclopean Terrace Building lies to the north-west of the Lion Gate on the northern end of the Panagia Ridge and faces almost due west across the valley of the Kephissos and modern main road from Corinth to Argos. It lies just below the 200 m. contour line, and one terrace below the houses excavated in 1950–51 by Dr. Papadimitriou and Mr. Petsas to the east at the same end of the ridge. The area contains a complex of buildings, both successive and contemporary, and in view of the discovery of structures both to the south-west and, by the Greek Archaeological Service, to the north-east it is likely that this whole slope was covered by a portion of the outer town of Mycenae. This report will deal only with the structure to which the name Cyclopean Terrace Building was originally given, the so-called‘North Megaron’, supported by the heavy main terrace wall.

The excavation of this structure was begun in 1923. The main terrace wall was cleared and two L.H. IIIC burials discovered in the top of the fill in the south room. In 1950 it was decided to attempt to clear this building entirely in an endeavour to find out its date and purpose. The clearing was not, however, substantially completed until the close of the 1953 excavation season, and this report presents the available evidence for the date as determined by the pottery found beneath the building; the purpose is still a matter for study, though various tentative conclusions can be put forward.

The building at Toumba, Lefkandi, stands unique in its time and place. The remains of this monument are significant in terms of size and elaboration, and also on account of the way it has been reconstructed and interpreted as the ancestor of the Greek peripteral temple. The primary concern of this article is the structural evaluation of the architectural remains. In part due to the scant nature of the archaeological evidence behind the widely accepted reconstruction, the latter can be seen to have several structural shortcomings. In reassessing the structure several factors are considered, including the state of technology at the time of construction, the characteristics of the building materials employed, and the way they respond to the strains of load and the forces of nature. The process of reconciling such factors with the documented remnants of the building directs us towards a different reconstruction. It thus emerges that the building at Toumba is an implausible ancestor of Greek peripteroi, and an alternative solution without the iconic pre-peristasis is proposed here.