The resemblance of certain of the ivories to some in the Ephesus deposit makes it clear that they came from Asia. Close relations and exchange of gifts between Sparta and Lydia are recorded for the sixth century, and have been claimed for the seventh, the age of Alcman. Long ago Curtius pointed out certain affinities between the Lydian goddess of the Lake, Artemis Gygaea, and the Spartan Orthia. Now that Mr. Hogarth has vindicated the Hellenic character of the early worship of Artemis at Ephesus, it becomes probable that the great Ionian sanctuary may have made its influence felt at Sparta as well as at Koloene. The road to Sardis was by Ephesus, and the road to Ephesus by Samos, and with Samos too we have links. The legend of the xoanon found in a thicket of agnus castus is common to the cult of Hera at Samos and of Orthia at Sparta. Again the best parallels for the Spartan masks have been found, as Mr. Dawkins has pointed out, in Samian tombs.

The course of the Roman road along the southern shore of the sea of Marmora between Priapus and Cyzicus has hitherto been known only from the Peutinger table and from a single milestone (the thirteenth) found in a Turkish cemetery above Tchaoush-keui, not far therefore from its original position. The Peutinger table notes only one point between the places named—the crossing of the Granicus. That of the Aesepus, a much more important river, is still marked by the considerable remains of a fine Roman bridge, which, owing to its secluded position at a turn of the valley, has hitherto escaped the notice of such travellers as have passed along the coast road. Hearing at Boghashehr, where I had shewn an interest in the fast-vanishing ruin of Ak-kupru, that a similar bridge existed on the road to Gunen, I took that route and was rewarded by the discovery of the best-preserved ancient bridge in the district.

Graffiti have been found in a number of the churches in the medieval town of Paliachora on Aigina and elsewhere on the island. Recently two graffiti of sailing vessels were noted in the church of Agioi Anargyroi in Paliachora and it is suggested that their presence may be related to the maritime activities of the medieval inhabitants, pirate raids on the town, and the beliefs of fishermen and sailors.

If we summarize the ethnological evidence from excavation set forth in the previous paper it is to the following effect:—Notwithstanding all the local deviations that appear on the surface, there is no essential distinction of race underlying the civilization reflected by the remains at Tiryns and Mycenae, and that in Crete in the latter part of the Late Minoan Age. This period is represented by the remains of partial occupation of the royal buildings and by the finds from the cemeteries of the same period at Knossos, Phaestos and elsewhere in Crete. On contemplation of the finds belonging to this period, nothing is more striking than the uniform fact that there is in the regular sequence of development no real break as yet with what preceded.

With the larger terracottas excavated by the British School of Athens at Praesos in 1900 I have already dealt elsewhere (B.S.A. viii. pp. 271 ff.). My purpose here is to treat of the interesting series of plaques discovered during the same excavations, of which I was then only able to give but a summary account. Their interest lies not so much in their artistic merit as in the light they throw on the customs and beliefs of the Eteocretan people during a long period extending from the archaic to the Hellenistic age.

After the close of the excavation season of the British School at Melos last year, I availed myself of the opportunity afforded by a prolonged stay to explore the island. The sites of Komia, Palæochori, and Hagia Kyriaki had been previously visited by me in company with Mr. Charles Clark, architect to the British School, but as the former visits had been limited to one day I revisited the sites mentioned more at leisure afterwards. In order to become more familiar with the people and the districts I stayed several days at or near each of the sites, sleeping usually in the threshing-floors near the farm-houses.

Last May, having to wait for a steamer at Syra, I seized the opportunity and rode out to the prehistoric necropolis on the north-east coast of the island. The distance from the agora of Hermoupolis is only three miles on the map, but nearly an hour and a half by the mule path, which starts from the picturesque upper town and runs along a range of desolate hills, passing on the left a cave which local antiquaries call the cave of Pherekydes.

I. The Site.—The late Dr. Dümmler was struck, on his visit to Melos, by the difference between the pre-Mycenæan tombs at Phylakopi and those that he had just seen opened in Amorgos. Still another, a third variety, had been reported from Syros. Not that the discrepancy disturbed his view of the pre-Mycenæan question. What the want of uniformity proved, to his mind, was merely that uniformity was not to have been expected.

It is, however, becoming more and more evident that at one period one particular type of entombment, the Amorgan type, prevailed all over the Cyclades. Pappadopoulo's account of the Syran graves is not to be taken any more seriously than his account of their contents.

The museums in Agrinion and Ioannina possess a number of small squat-lekythoi, decorated usually with a single figure flanked by spiral tendrils, which may be seen to form a group. To this nucleus other examples may be added from the Balkans, Italy, and Switzerland. These are all minor vases, but they are of some interest if, as seems possible, they represent a local fabric from north-west Greece.

In 1992–93 excavations were conducted in central Knossos, among the Minoan houses south-west of the Palace. This article describes the unexpectedly large amount of post-Minoan occupation there, casting new light on the extent to which the Hellenic town encroached upon the allegedly deserted Palace area. One Minoan house, much ruined, proved to have been reoccupied in the tenth century BC and again in the seventh. Nearby, a well-preserved pottery kiln of the early seventh century was discovered, and also a paved road of the fifth century which apparently ran across the ruins of the Minoan houses.

The pottery and other finds are presented in fourteen stratified deposits, mainly of the Early Protogeometric, Early Orientalizing, Late Archaic, and Classical periods. These are supplemented by important unpublished pieces from Evans's soundings in the immediate neighbourhood, confirming the extensive seventh-century reoccupation of the site.

The site of Old Smyrna lies on a low spur at the foot of the Yamanlar Daği, or Mountain of Unco Things, at a distance of 450 metres east of the present coastline. The spur is 365 metres long on a north-south axis, with a maximum breadth of 250 metres. On the north-east and east its outline is marked by a bank, revetted in large part by a high terrace wall of small stones. The elevated north-west corner of the site is encircled by superimposed terraces leading up to a circular platform or belvedere, which dominates the site, at an altitude of 21·3 m. above sea-level (Plates 2c, 6a, Squares G–Hix). On the west side the spur is bounded by a cart road leading inland to Bornova, and at the south tip it merges into the low-lying pasturage by a sluggish stream. The terracing of the hillock, which in the north-west presents a picturesque aspect, is believed in the main to be the work of a landowner named Turlita in the nineteenth century. A zone along the north side of the site, corresponding in width to the main sector of our excavations there, is planted with olive trees, of which we were obliged to cut down a score; there is also a narrow fringe of olives along the eastern edge of the site. The greater part of the surface of the hillock is divided between two vineyards, the upper on the north and the lower on the south, separated by a bank which is bordered near its east end by a row of fig trees (Squares Nxvi to Gxix); there is also a smaller vineyard of triangular outline on the slope between the upper vineyard and the Bornova road.

The plains of Pyrgi, Kalamoti, and Dotia, in the south-east corner of Chios, form a single geographic unit, bounded in the east by the hills which run inland from the promontory of Agridia, in the west by the low range of Kampia, Aradhopetra, and Kakopetria, and in the north by the more formidable barrier of the central mountains of the island. In them there are traces of several ancient sites, at Pindakas, Dotia, and elsewhere, but these appear to have been little more than isolated farmhouses or small sanctuaries and it is almost certain that most of the inscriptions from the area came originally from the major sites at Emporio and Phanai. From these they have been transported, some as far as Chios town, most to other local sites, to country churches or to the medieval towns of Pyrgi and Kalamoti. In many cases it is now impossible to trace their origin (even those which have reached the comparative safety of the Museum are often without record of their provenance), and it would therefore be pointless to try to isolate the inscriptions of any one ancient centre. For this reason I have collected here, in addition to the few inscriptions discovered in the British School excavations at Emporio, all the other material known to have been found in the area. For convenience I reproduce all but the most accessible texts in full. Generally it has been possible to check earlier readings on the stone (in which case the text is my own without any note of alterations unless they are significant); those which I have not seen are marked with an asterisk.

The name of Gergis appears first in Herodotos, and is applied to a tribe said to be the descendants of the ancient Teukrians; ῾γμέης . . .εἶλε μὲν Αἰολέας πάντας, ὅσοι τὴν ᾿Ιλιάδα νέμονται, εἶλε δὲ Γέργιθας τοὺςὑπολειφθέντας τῶν ἀρχαίων Τευκρῶν (v. 122). Where they dwelt is made clear in vii. 43. After his visit to the temple of Athena at Ilion, Xerxes marches to Abydos, keeping Rhoiteion, Ophryneion and Dardanos on his left, and the Teukrian Gergithes on his right; ἐπορεύετο ἐνθεῦτεν ἐνἀριστερῆι μὲν ἀοέργων ῾Ροίτειον πόλιν καὶ ᾿Οφρύνειον καὶ Δάρδανον, ἤπερδὴ ᾿Αβύδωι ὄμουρός ἐστι, ἐν δεξυῆι δὲ Γέργιθας Τευκπρούς. The Greek colonists, the Aeolians, had occupied with their towns the whole of the coast; the older inhabitants had been driven into the hill-country a short distance inland.

The remarkably high numbers of silver items (traded goods and coins) found around the Mediterranean during the Hellenistic period, compared to the earlier periods, is inextricably bound with the increase in the amounts of silver extracted and with the wider recognition and acceptance of this metal in the Hellenistic world. Not least, the fact that silver, through its dual role as money and as a commercial commodity, binds use value with exchange value in Hellenistic societies, challenges one to explore the economic behaviour of this metal within the broader economic picture.

The present article offers a multidisciplinary approach to the role of silver in Hellenistic economies along these lines. Through the study of literary, epigraphical and archaeological evidence, it embarks on a survey of the ways in which mining, the function of metal workshops, trade and population movements, wars regulated or influenced the spread of silver commodities around the Mediterranean. The construction of a theoretical model regarding the economic behaviour of silver enables us to identify broadly the mechanisms of (re)distribution of silver items in Hellenistic micro- and macroeconomics.

When I wrote my report on the excavation of Polis, Ithaca, the leader of the expedition had suggested that in Ithaca, Early Bronze Age pottery had persisted till the closing phases of the Late Bronze Age, which meant that Ithaca was a backward little place well away from the broad stream of contemporary culture. I thought it possible that there was another lag after the Late Bronze Age, and I called certain vases ‘Mycenaean,’ taking fabric to be the determining factor. My paper was written in 1932, but not published till 1942, and long before then I was sure that we were both wrong. Mr. Heurtley wished to account for the presence of fifty Mycenaean sherds in an Early Bronze Age Settlement at Pilikata. It is true that no Middle Bronze Age settlement has yet been found in Ithaca. That may be our bad fortune, or the island may have been uninhabited in the centuries before 1500 B.C., as it was in the sixteenth century A.D. It seems simpler to admit disturbance by any later diggers of foundations or seekers of wells, than to postulate an iron curtain between Ithaca and both its nearest neighbours, Kephallenia and Leukas, in the Middle Bronze Age. After all, Early, Middle, and Late Bronze Age sherds were found together in Area VI at Pilikata, and no house plans have resulted; some disturbance seems inevitable.

This paper examines Late Bronze Age chipped ceramic and stone discs known most commonly as stoppers. Stoppers are distinguished from other classes of archaeological finds, including pierced discs and lids. Although it has long been known that stoppers could play a role in sealing ceramic vessels, recent scholarship has preferred to see them as multifunctional. For this article, 158 stoppers and 100 spout apertures from transport stirrup jar spouts found in secure Late Bronze Age III contexts have been studied. The results demonstrate a strong correlation in the apertures of transport stirrup jar spouts and the maximum diameter of stoppers that points to a meaningful relationship between the two. As the primary transport container of the Late Bronze Age, transport stirrup jars required careful sealing in order to allow their contents to transit without spilling or spoiling. There were many possible sealing configurations, however, and indeed this paper demonstrates some support for independent Mycenaean and Minoan traditions. A comparison with sealing traditions throughout the eastern Mediterranean reveals that the stopper method of sealing endured or reoccurred for thousands of years for the storage and transport of a specific commodity – wine. I conclude with the case study of stopper distributions at ancient Eleon, Boeotia, in order to show that a contextualised study of stoppers and stoppering activities in domestic structures has much to contribute to the study of social processes and domestic consumption practices.

The following article by K. A. Wardle is the first of a series of studies on the finds from the excavation known as the Citadel House, a name given by Professor Wace to an area on the Mycenae acropolis to the south of Schliemann's grave circle. Its exact situation is between the South House and Tsountas's House and next to the Cyclopaean wall. In effect it is a continuation southwards of the so-called South House that Wace excavated in 1922. He recognized at that time that he had uncovered only a small part of a large building but circumstances did not permit him to proceed further with the excavation. Only in 1954 was work resumed on this site as part of a large programme that was mainly concerned with areas outside the citadel. To distinguish it from these other areas it was given the name of the ‘Citadel House’, a non-committal term but one that, in view of the later importance of the site, was liable to lead to misunderstanding, implying that it was the only house on the acropolis.

Professor Wace, had he lived, would no doubt have considered changing the designation but in deference to his memory the name has been retained and it has been used in all the short provisional reports that have appeared to date. Professor Mylonas, who understandably dislikes the present designation, refers to the site as ‘Wace's House’, but I think that Wace would not have favoured such a term. One cannot now say what other name he would have preferred to substitute, but I do not think he would have objected to the term ‘South House’, and unquestionably part of the ‘Citadel House’ is an extension of the South House; but one must bear in mind that the buildings that have been uncovered between the South House and Tsountas's House do not always have the same axis as the former.

This article examines the earliest attestations of writing on Crete at the beginning of the second millennium bce, the so-called ‘Archanes formula’. The aim is to reassess its origin, purpose, significance and ‘reading’ through a multi-step analysis taking in details of palaeography, correlations with iconographic seal motifs, and material culture. Key issues are considered, namely the extent to which is it comparable with the Linear A ‘libation formula’ a-sa-sa-ra-me, or, conversely, whether it should be singled out as a separate writing tradition. To address these questions, the ‘Archanes formula’ is brought under close scrutiny, vis-à-vis the graphic repertoires of Cretan Hieroglyphic and, in parallel, Linear A. Our conclusions point towards a strong connection with the Cretan Hieroglyphic milieu, in terms of sign shapes and direct links to seal imagery. In this light, the earliest writing in the Aegean is revisited not so much as a script in itself, nor as a prequel to Linear A religious sequences, but as a direct manifestation of the iconic glyptic practices of the Hieroglyphic tradition.

Two mosques in Galata—the Mosque of the Arabs (Arab Djami) and the Mosque of the Leaded Store (Kurshunlu Maghzen Djamisi)—lay claim to be the earliest buildings consecrated to Moslem worship in Constantinople. Both are supposed to date from the period of the Arab sieges, many centuries before the Ottoman conquest. Their traditional claim to this honourable pedigree is of some antiquity. Evliya Effendi, in the middle of the seventeenth century, already attributes an Arab origin to four buildings in Galata, of which two are the mosques in question and the others a lead-roofed granary (Kurshunlu Maghzen), still used as such in his time, and the famous Galata Tower. All these, and in addition the Rose Mosque (Gul-Djami) in Stamboul, are supposed to have been built during the famous siege of Constantinople by the Arabs under Maslama.

In the definitive publication of the Sunion site by Stais in ᾿Αρχαιολογικὴ᾿Εφημερίς 1917, 168 ff., and again in τὸ Σούνιον scant reference is made to the remains of docks and shipsheds on the promontory. They are dismissed with a few words in the text, and indicated in the most summary fashion on the plan drawn by Orlandos. This is not altogether surprising in view of the overshadowing interest of the temples and fortifications. It might have been supposed, however, that a full treatment of the walls and defences of the site would include some descriptions of the docks, and some attempt to fit them into the chronology of the fortress.