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Aspects of the Process of Hellenization in the Early Middle Ages*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 September 2013

Judith Herrin
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In the winter months of A.D. 905–6 Arethas, Archbishop of Caesarea, unwillingly made the difficult journey from Constantinople to the Byzantine province of Hellas, central Greece. The official reason for this visit was to reconsecrate several churches which had been defiled and pillaged by raiders, probably Bulgars, but there was another reason why the vociferous archbishop should be removed from the capital. In September 905 Zoe, mistress of the Emperor Leo VI, had given birth to a child Constantine, Leo's first son and heir. While this event was joyfully celebrated by the entire court, it provoked dismay and alarm among ecclesiastics such as Arethas. For the emperor had already been married three times and to take a fourth wife was against the canons of the Orthodox Church.

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Research Article
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Annual of the British School at Athens , Volume 68 , November 1973 , pp. 113 - 126
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Copyright © The Council, British School at Athens 1973

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References

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18 These two aspects were of particular importance in the Hellenization of the Slavs; other aspects which are not treated here, for example the preservation of ancient Greek learning, will form the subject of a separate article.

19 To speak of the ‘extermination’ of the Greek race is incorrect, as it is quite clear from the sources that the indigenous Greeks did not simply disappear for ever. Cf. Hood, Sinclair, ‘Isles of Refuge in the Early Byzantine Period’, BSA lxv (1970), 37–44, and p. 118 below.Google Scholar

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This list has nothing to do with an ecclesiastical Notitia. On the presence of κομμερκιάριοι in the area see Antoniadis-Bibicou, H., Recherches sur les douanes à Byzance (Paris, 1963), 157–91Google Scholar; in the list of seals, nos. 17, 42, 56, 58, 67, 82, 83, 85, 86 indicate the existence of these officials, though not all these seals can be securely dated.

22 A tenth-century oration recounts, ‘We are no longer called “Scythian” or “barbarian” or I know not what, but may be named and shown to be Christians and sons of God and travail of the Spirit.’ The complete text was published by Uspensky, F., Letopis of the Historico-Philological Society of the University of Novorossiya iv (Byzantine section 2) 1894, 55–94Google Scholar, relevant passage 67–8. The oration was formerly attributed to Arethas but has now been shown to be the work of Theodoros Daphnopates; see Jenkins, R. J. H., ‘The Peace with Bulgaria (927) celebrated by Theodore Daphnopates’, Polychronion. Festschrift F. Dolger (Heidelberg, 1966), 287–303Google Scholar (reprinted in the author's Studies). The relevant passage is reproduced on 289 and translated on 293.

23 Theophanes, op. cit. 347–8, 364, 374.

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29 This theory has been championed for many years by Charanis, P.; see ‘On the question of the hellenization of Sicily and Southern Italy during the Middle Ages’, American Historical Review lii (1946–1947), 74–86.CrossRefGoogle Scholar The author was one of the first to support Ν. Βέης in his belief that the so-called Chronicle of Monemvasia was a reliable historical source. P. Lemerle has confirmed this, but he doubts that a large-scale emigration took place; see Lemerle, op. cit. 19 n. 30. In the context of greater mobility than is generally appreciated, I think that the Chronicle deserves credence, see p. 121.

30 Chronique de Monemvasie, 9–10. A possible identification of Orove is Ὀροβίαι (modem Rovies), in northern Euboia: Sackett, L. H.et al., BSA lxi (1966), 48Google Scholar; Koder, J., Negroponte (Vienna, 1973) 114–15 and pls. 43–5.Google Scholar

31 The migration of the city of Patras with its bishop, mentioned in the Chronicle (Chronique de Monemvasie, 10) is confirmed by the acts of the Seventh Oecumenical Council held in Nikaia in 787. This Council was attended by bishops from several Aegean islands, including Aigina, Euboia, and Skopelos, but not from the mainland centres, Thessalonike, Larissa, Athens, and Corinth. Patras, however, was represented by who signed after the Bishop of Reggio (Calabria) and before the group of Sicilian bishops, see Mansi, op. cit. xiii col. 365. I am most grateful to Paul Speck who brought this important evidence to my attention.

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43 A. Pertusi, op. cit. 118.

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53 This claim was made nearly a century later by Pope Zacharias in a letter written to Saint Boniface; see Tangl, M., Monumenta Germania Historiae. Epistolae selectae (Berlin, 1916), i no. 80.Google Scholar It was not known to the Venerable Bede who recorded Theodore's activity in England, in cluding his teaching of Latin and Greek, but it is generally accepted; see, for example, Bury, J. B., A History of the Later Roman Empire 395–800 (London, 1889), ii. 280, 392.Google Scholar

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56 On mercantile activity see F. Vercauteren, op. cit. On the attraction of Rome see Dvornik, F., Les Légendes de Constantin et de Méthode vues de Byzance (Prague, 1933), 291–3Google Scholar; Michel, A., Ostkirchliche Studien i (1952), 32–45.Google Scholar

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60 Dvornik, F., La Vie de Saint Grégoire le Décapolite et les Slavs Macédoniens au IXe siècle (Paris, 1926), 48–62Google Scholar; cf. Karlin-Hayter, P., Vita Euthymii patriarchae CP (Brussels, 1970), 181Google Scholar, who refers to Gregory as a ‘leader and organiser of iconodule resistance’.

61 On the effects of these unofficial missionaries see Beck, H.–G., ‘Christliche Mission und politische Propaganda im byzantinischen Reich’, Settimane di studio … xiv (Spoleto, 1967), 649–74Google Scholar, especially 654–74 (reprinted in the author's Ideen und Realitaeten in Byzanz (London, 1972)); cf. Thompson, E. A., ‘Christianity and the Northern Barbarians’, The Conflict between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century, ed. Momigliano, A. (Oxford, 1963), 56–78Google Scholar; and particularly the powerful analysis by Brown, P., ‘The Rise and Function of the Holy Man in Late Roman Society’, JRS lxxi (1971), 80–101Google Scholar; idem, ‘A Dark-Age Crisis: Aspects of the Iconoclastic Controversy’, English Historical Review lxxviii (1973), 1–34, especially 12–21.

62 Vasiliev, A., ‘The Life of Saint David of Thessalonica’, Traditio iv (1946), 115–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ibid, v (1947), 191.

63 J. Cozza-Luzi, op. cit. 36–40.

64 G. da Costa-Louillet, op. cit. 115–16, 118, 121; cf. the forthcoming edition of the ‘Life’ of Saint Elias by M. V. Strazzeri. I should like to thank Signorina Strazzeri for showing me the photographs of the manuscript Cod. Messinensis gr. 30 on which her new edition is based.

65 In other parts of the empire different agencies brought about the integration of the Slavs; in the case of Saint Ioannikios the army played as important a role as the Church, see Vryonis, S., ‘St. Ioannicius the Great (754–846) and the “Slavs” of Bithynia’, Byzantion xxxi (1961), 245–8Google Scholar, reprinted in the author's Byzantium.

66 J. Mansi, op. cit. xvii. 373–7.

67 V. Grumel, op. cit. nos. 636 (letter of Patriarch Nikolaos to the governor of Hellas); 706, to Archbishop Niketas of Athens; 735, to Archbishop Andreas of Patras; and 745, to Archbishop Philippos of Larissa. When his brother Paul was appointed to the see of Corinth, Saint Peter of Argos decided to go with him to the Peloponnese to avoid further disputes with the patriarch.

68 J. Cozza-Luzi, op. cit. 39–42; A. Vasiliev, The ‘Life’ of Saint Peter of Argos, 176. Both men had established a reputation for holiness as ascetics before they were appointed bishops, cf. The Life of Saint George of Amastris, ed. Vasilievskii, op. cit. 17–25.

69 AE 1931, 119–57; Megaw, A. H. S., ‘The Skripou screen’, BSA lxi (1966), 1–32Google Scholar; Strzygowski, J., ‘Inedita der Architektur und Plastik aus der Zeit Basilios I’, Byzantinische Zeitschrift iii (1894), 1–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar, especially 3–12.

70 Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum, ed. Boeckh, A. (Berlin, 1877) iv, no. 8686Google Scholar; Σωτηρίου, Γ., ‘Ο ἐνήβαις ΒυƷαντινό ναὸς Γρηγοίου τοῦ θεολόγου’ AE 1924 1–26.Google Scholar

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72 Millet, G., L'École grecque dans l' architecture byzantine (Paris, 1916).Google Scholar

73 Trypanis, C. A., Medieval and Modem Greek Poetry (Oxford, 1951), 43–4.Google Scholar

74 Cameniates, John, De excidio Thessalonicensi, ed. Bekker, I. (Bonn, 1838), 506Google Scholar; Theophanes Continuatus, op. cit. 364. For the attack on the coast of Attica see R. J. H. Jenkins, B. Laourdas, and C. A. Mango, op. cit. (n. 9 above) 13–14. 31.

75 An eye-witness account is given by John Cameniates, op. cit.

76 Ν. Βέης, op. cit. (n. 7 above); Σάθας, Κ., Χρονικόν ἀνέκδοτον … (Athens, 1865), 192–5Google Scholar; Γ. Κρέμος, op. cit. 148.

77 Cf. n. 33 above.

78 A. Boeckh, op. cit. nos. 9358; 9378; op. cit. 103–4.

79 Genesius, , Regna, ed. Lachmann, C. (Bonn, 1838), 47–8Google Scholar; cf. n. 83 above.

80 Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De Cerimoniis Aulae Byzantinae, ed. Reiske, J. J. (Bonn, 1829), i. 657.Google Scholar

81 Theophanes, op. cit. 440, 453. People at court made fun of Sophia's father, Niketas Rendakis, not because he was a Slav but because of his pretensions to high-born status, see Theophanes Continuatus, op. cit. 413; Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De Thematibus 91. Sophia not only established herself at court, she also retained the title of Empress after the premature death of her husband; see ‘Life of S. Luke the Stylite’, ed. H. Delehaye, Les Saints Stylites (Brussels, 1923), 214.