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An Inscribed Lead Plaque from Korkyra

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 September 2013

P. Calligas
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Extract

In the store-rooms of the British Museum is kept a fragment belonging to a lead plaque which bears the traces of an inscription written boustrophedon in the Corinthian alphabet. This lead plaque was part of the collection of J. Woodhouse, which was made in Corfu, and following the death of the collector in 1866 was bequeathed to the British Museum.

In 1868 the plaque was catalogued and described in the Museum's Register. According to a sketch, also included, it is clear that at that time more of it was preserved and that besides the upper and lower edge possibly the right end was also retained. It was described as containing seven lines of a boustrophedon inscription, of which only the first, second, and seventh lines were transcribed. The inscription was incomprehensible, and that may have been the reason for its not being published hitherto.

Type
Research Article
Information
Annual of the British School at Athens , Volume 66 , November 1971 , pp. 79 - 93
Copyright
Copyright © The Council, British School at Athens 1971

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References

1 I am grateful to the trustees of the British Museum, for the permission to publish this inscribed plaque, and to Mr. D. Haynes, Keeper of the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities of the Museum, for his help. Mr. J. Boardman of Merton College, Oxford, read the text and helped me with his criticism. The map of Korkyra was designed by Miss C. Davies, whom I thank.

2 Edwards, E., Lives of the Founders of the British Museum (London, 1870) 702–5.Google Scholar See also Walters, H., Catalogue of the Bronzes in the British Museum (London, 1899) p. xviGoogle Scholar, and recently Grant, J., A Pillage of Art (New York, 1968).Google Scholar

3 I thank Dr. L. H. Jeffery and Dr. A. Morpurgo-Davies for their help on the epigraphical and grammatical aspects of the inscriptions.

4 A restoration does not seem likely in the light of the relevant inscriptions from Corfu. The πεμπάς is a military unit: Xen. Hell. vii. 2. 6 and Pollux i. 127 (cf. Robert, L., Hellenica v (1948) 12 n. 1 and 15 n. 2Google Scholar).

5 Callipolitis, V., PAE 1961, 125 ff.Google Scholar and Ergon 1961, 129. See also Daux, G., Chroniques BCH lxxxvi (1962) 751.Google Scholar I thank Mr. V. Callipolitis for his permission to restudy these inscriptions, found by him.

6 Dontas, G., PAE 1964, 54 ff.Google Scholar and Ergon 1964, 66, pls. 70–2. Also Daux, G., Chroniques BCH lxxxix (1965) 752–4.Google Scholar I thank Mr. G. Dontas for his permission to work on these inscriptions.

7 Newton, C., Report on Woodhouse Collection (London, 1866) 7, 32.Google Scholar Also Dittenberg in IG ix. 1. 1034.

8 It should be noted that no sum smaller than 100 dr. is to be found in the existing plaques from Corfu. Compare the sums on the Horoi inscriptions from Attica: Finley, M., Studies in Land and Credit in Ancient Athens (New Jersey, 1952) 96.Google Scholar

9 Dontas, , PAE 1964, 58.Google Scholar

10 Krahe, H., Lexicon altillyrischer Personennamen (Heidelberg, 1929) 26.Google Scholar

11 Krahe, H., Die alten balkanischen geographischen Namen (Heidelberg, 1925) 27Google Scholar: cf. Burun, ibid. 18.

12 Krahe, Lexicon 146.

13 Krahe, Die alten balk, geogr. Namen 47 ff.

14 Stählin, , RE xi (1922) 1308 ff.Google Scholar

15 The peculiar name preserved on a bronze fourth-century stlengis, could be added: Dontas, , ADelt xix (1964)Google Scholar Chron. 315. But see Daux, G., Chroniques BCH (1967) 671 n. 1.Google Scholar

16 Beaumont, R., ‘Greek influence in the Adriatic Sea’, JHS lvi (1936) 165.Google Scholar For the Liburnians in the Adriatic according to the third-century tradition see Apol. Rhod. Argonaut, iv. 564–6 and Scholia. Also Dell, H., ‘The origin and nature of Illyrian piracy’, in Historia xvi (1967) 348–9.Google Scholar That the Liburnians were a seafaring people who controlled part of the island of Korkyra only and were expelled later, as suggested by Hammond, (Epirus (Oxford, 1967) 417)Google Scholar, is an unlikely argument in view of the fact that the island continued to have a native population after the colonization, who were not Hellenized, it seems, till much later.

17 For the much-discussed problem of the Eretrian colony see Halliday, W. R., The Greek Questions of Plutarch (Oxford, 1928) 63–5Google Scholar and Graham, A. J., Colony and Mother City in Ancient Greece (New York, 1964) 221.Google Scholar Also Calligas, P., “Τὸ ἐν Κερκύρᾳ Ἱερὸν τῆς Ἀκραίας ῾Ἡρας”, ADelt xxiv (1969) A, 51 ff.Google Scholar

18 Alkman fr. 114 (ed. Page, Oxford, 1962) and Eustathius, , Commentary on Dion. Perieg. v. 492Google Scholar; Murphy, P. R., ‘De Lingua antiqua Illyrica’, in Harv. Stud. Clas. Phil. liii (1942) 180.Google Scholar The name of the island is supposed to be of an Illyrian origin too: Krahe, Die alten balk. geogr. Namen 60.

19 From the Heraion (Mon Repos excavations): the peculiar small terracotta mask MR. 766 (ADelt xxii (1967) Chron. 365 pl. 373ατ’. For prehistoric stone celts see ADelt xviii (1963) Chron. 179 pl. 200. A clay bead (MR. 1169) can be added. These finds are very few, however, on which to base a decision whether they betray an early native installation (cf. Dunbabin, T., The Western Greeks (Oxford, 1948) 182Google Scholar) or—more probable—they are later offerings used as talismans (cf. Davidson, G. and Thompson, D., ‘Small objects from the Pnyx, i’, Hesperia Suppl. vii (1943) 96Google Scholar; Perachora ii (Oxford, 1962) 531–2 (= App. ii)).

20 Cf. Dunbabin, op. cit. 43 ff. There is no proof of the argument stated by Hammond (Epirus, 418) that the native population of the island helped in a joint settlement during the colonization era, and that this population was already Greek-speaking. The wording of Ps.-Scylax (GGM i 34, § 29: ) points to the opposite. The date of Ps.-Scylax's account is the fourth century (Hammond, Epirus 511 ff.), based possibly on earlier texts.

21 Hammond, Epirus, 425 ff.

22 Cf. Thuc. iii. 85, 2 and Schol. Thuc. 216 (ed. Hude). Hammond (Epirus, 552) identifies Bouthroton as the site.

23 For Phoinice as the main city of the Chaones, see Evangelides, D., “Ἐπιγραφὴ ἐκ Δωδώνης”, in AE 1953–1954 A 101 ff.Google Scholar (but cf. Hammond, Epirus 112 ff.). For an early date of Phoinice see the interesting fifth-century bronze statuette found there (actually at Delvinon) and now in the Corfu Museum: Dontas, , ADelt xxi (1966) Chron. 330 pl. 338a.Google Scholar That the Korkyraian month name Phoinikaios, possibly equivalent to the Athenian Posideon (Kern, O., Die Inschriften von Magnesia am Maeander (Berlin, 1900) no. 44Google Scholar, and Sontheimer, W., RE xx. 1. 348–9Google Scholar, who connects it with the cult of Apollo), is of a Corinthian origin is adequately shown by Dow, S. (‘Corinthiaca, i’, AJA xlvi (1942) 19ff).Google Scholar For Phoinikaios as a month name in Dodona see Ergon 1969, 28. What is not clear is whether the name has any connection with Athena Phoinice in Corinth (Will, E., Korinthiaka (Paris, 1955) 143–5Google Scholar and Kardara, Chr. in AAA iii (1970) 25–7)Google Scholar, or with the town Phoinice of the Chaones where there was a temple of Athena Polias (Evangelides, , AE 1953–1954 A 100 ffGoogle Scholar). For connections of Phoinice in Chaonia and Korkyra see Evangelides, , AE 1914, 235.Google Scholar

24 Jeffery, L. H., The Local Scripts of Archaic Greece (Oxford, 1961) 114 ff.Google Scholar (Corinth), 232 ff. (Korkyra).

25 Some graffiti on pottery of the fifth century were found, but not of a positive Korkyraian origin: Klaffenbach, , Korkyra i (Berlin, 1940) 171Google Scholar n. 8 (from Ay. Euphemia, now lost); Dontas, , ADelt xix (1964) Chron. 325 pl. 368Google Scholar (from the Heraion) and some from the harbour area (for the excavation, see Dontas, PAE, 87 ff.).

26 Dontas, , ADelt xix (1964) Chron. 325 pl. 365.Google Scholar It could be relevant to the horos inscription no. 155 in Finley, op. cit. 26, 162–3, where the were deposited in the sanctuary of Aphrodite Ourania at Amorgos.

27 See Jeffery, op. cit. 56. From the Heraion comes also the small strap-like lead plaque with a dedicatory inscription. For the use of lead plaques at the oracle of Dodona see Parke, H. W., Oracles of Zeus (Oxford, 1967) 100 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For the Korkyraian inquiries: Parke, op. cit. 259 ff. (App. 1), SEG xxiii (1968) no. 474 (Korkyraians and Orikioi), and Dakaris, , PAE 1967, 48 ff.Google Scholar (no. 2). For the strap-like shape, bearing inscriptions, see also Excavations at Olynthus x (1941) nos. 2525–8.

28 Callipolitis, , Ergon 1961, 129Google Scholar; Daux, G., Chroniques BCH lxxxvi (1962) 751.Google Scholar

29 IG vi. 1228–33 = Jeffery, op. cit. 201, 407. See also Buck, C., Greek Dialects (Chicago, 1955) 270Google Scholar, no. 72. Poseidon as a helper of helots: Schol. Aristoph. Achar. 510. For a different version of Asphaleios see Scholia Vetera in Hesiodi Opera et Dies (ed. Pertusi—Milan, 1955) 246, 25. Cf. Hammond, Epirus, App. vi, nos. 6, 11, 24, 35 (esp.) and 39. is often an epithet for a god: Weinreich, O., θεοἰ Ἐπήκοοι, AM xxxvii (1912) 1 ff.Google Scholar Add to his list the river god Pamisos: Valmin, N., The Swedish Messenia Expedition (Lund, 1938) 438.Google Scholar It is interesting to note the contracted form of the dual in Korkyra. For the Delphic manumissions see BCH xlix (1925) 92 ff.

30 Ugolini, L., Albania Antica ii (1932) 147–8Google Scholar = SEG xxiii (1968) 478.

31 IG ix. 1. 695; Montfaucon, , Diar. Ital. (Paris, 1702) 422Google Scholar; Comparetti, D., ‘Tabelle testamentarie delle colonie achee di Magna Grecia’, Ann. ii (1916) 262 ff.Google Scholar

32 Theophrastus, , Characters xiv. 8 and xviii. 5Google Scholar; cf. [Dem.] In Phorm. 915, 30. I thank Mr. D. Lewis of Christ Church, Oxford, for his interest and help on this point and on that about the tribal division.

33 Finley, op. cit. 21 ff. The State remained outside these individual transactions. For the exceptional cases where the are mentioned, and for the see Finley, op. cit. 26 and n. 81.

34 Dem. In Aristogeitonem i. 25, 69–70.

35 The cylindrical stone vessel which contained the bronze tablets was found near a temple supposed to belong to Zeus: De Franciscis, A., Klearchos ix/x (1961) 19 ff.Google Scholar, fig. 1.

36 See n. 26 above.

37 Finley, op. cit. 22 and n. 61 (215). For hypomnemata: [Dem.] In Timotheum 49. 5. For a syngraphe signed by witnesses: [Dem.] In. Lacr. 925 ff. For maritime contracts see also Fine, J., ‘Horoi’, Hesperia Suppl. ix (1957) 65–6.Google Scholar Bottomry loans in Demosthenes: Finley, op. cit. p. 248 n. 17. See also the third-century inscription of Archephon from Dodona, : PAE 1967, 50–1.Google Scholar

38 Finley, op. cit. 38 ff.

39 Tod, M., Num. Chron. xx (1960) 21.Google Scholar

40 Cf. the eight Δ on the Heraion plaque, see n. 26.

41 Tod, M., BSA xviii (1911–1912) 112–13.Google Scholar

42 Cf. Finley, op. cit. 85–6 (for interest) and 86–7 (for time duration).

43 The restoration for proposed by Dittenberger, is interesting as it seems to echo an early epichoric transliteration of B for M (cf. in IG ix. 1. 868), but is ambiguous since the inscription survives only in a transcript of Zeno: see Montfaucon, op. cit. 422, 430. If there existed in the classical period in Korkyra, they would be a genos rather than a tribe (cf. the second-century in Klaffenbach, , Korkyra i. 164–5Google Scholar). The connection of the with the Hellenistic phratry Omachiada in the inscription from Phlious (?)—see below—is interesting, but cannot be pressed. The inscription from Apollonia in Illyria (Derenne, E., Albania iii (1928) 40–1Google Scholar, no. 61, fig. 3b) should also be included in the present discussion, as I believe that the correct reading should be: as suggested at the beginning by the editor and as looks possible from the wording on the stone (op. cit. fig. 35). But in the end the editor preferred Robert, L., Hellenica xi–xii (1960) 563Google Scholar n. 1 believes correct and correlates with the rubric Πο in another inscription from Apollonia, (REG lvii (1944) 213Google Scholar, no. 111 b). The inscription of Andrion belongs to the Imperial period but, I believe, echoes earlier institutions of this city, so closely connected with Korkyra.

44 For Corinth see Dow, S., ‘Corinthiaca ii: a list of names under rubrics’, in Harv. St. Clas. Phil, liii (1942) 103 ff.Google Scholar But Will, Korinthiaka 292–4 is more sceptical. In the Argolid a fourth tribe is added: see Buck, Gr. Dial. 282–3, no. 82.

45 Eitrem, , ‘Hyllos’, RE ix. 124.Google Scholar

46 Thuc. iii. 72, 3; cf. Schol, , in Apol. Rhod. Argonaut, iv. 1125Google Scholar and Chatzis, A., AE 1927–1928, 181 n. 1.Google Scholar Also Lechat, , BCH xiv (1891) 4 ff.Google Scholar

47 Argonaut, iv. 538, 543 ff. and Schol. 540–9. See also Barron, J., ‘Ibycus: To Polycrates’, in Bull. of Inst. Class. Stud. xvi (London, 1969) 130Google Scholar, nos. 39–40. For Argive connections cf. Eust. Schol. in Dion. Perieg. (GGM ii. 309–10): Korkyra named Argos. For local tradition, Calligas, P., ADelt xxiv (1969) A 51.Google Scholar

48 See a recent discussion of this inscription: Robert, L., REG lxxvi (1963) 128Google Scholar (no. 50) and lxxvii (1964) 142–3 (no. 73).

49 Dow, ‘Corinthiaca ii’, 103 n. 19.

50 Cf. Apol. Rhod. Argonaut, iv. 524, 527, 548–50.

51 CAH ii. 538 n. 1. For a city Hyle in Naupactia see AE 1927–8, 181 and 209.

52 Dow, op. cit. 98 ff.; Stroud, R. S., ‘Tribal boundary markers from Corinth’, California Studies in Class. Antiquity i (1968) 238 ff.Google Scholar For four tribes in Argolid see n. 44.

53 Dow, op. cit. 105.

54 von Gärtringen, H., Philologische Wochenschriften lii (1932) 362Google Scholar; but see Will, Korinthiaka 293 n. 3.

55 Robert, L., ‘Un Decret dorien trouvé à Délos’, Hellenica v (1948) 5 ff.Google Scholar and Hellenica xi–xii (1960) 562 ff. and 568 n. 3.

56 I believe that this is the meaning of the inscription, and that the adjective refers to (cf. Robert, , Hellenica v (1948) 12Google Scholar and Hellenica xi–xii (1960) 563). Compare Ferguson, W., Hesperia vii (1938) 72Google Scholar, but also Finley, op. cit. 287, n. 49, for

57 This important inscription is mentioned also by Guarducci, M., ‘L'istituzione della fratria nella Grecia antica e nelle colonie greche d'Italia, i’, R. Acc. Naz. d. Linc. xv (1937)Google Scholar 13 and discussed later by Seyfarth, J., ‘Φράτρα und Φρατρία im nachklassichen Griechentum’, Aegyptus xxxv (1955) 32–4Google Scholar, whom Robert, L. answers, Hellenica xi–xii (1960) 562–8.Google Scholar

58 Buck, , Gr. Dial., 41, 42, 6.Google Scholar But cf. the contraction of the dual form n. 29 above. The main difficulty of attributing the decree to Korkyra is the fact that the institutions mentioned in it are not met in the island (cf. the and the ).

59 From Kamiros: IG xii. 1. 695 = Andrewes, , BSA lli (1957) 30.Google Scholar From Troizen, : IG iv. 757 col. 6, 29.Google Scholar From NW. Greece: Robert, L., Hellenica x (1955) 284.Google Scholar Could this last inscription, now in the Ashmolean Museum, in Oxford, also come from Korkyra? The bronze and the lettering greatly resemble the bronze proxeniai from Korkyra, (IG ix. 1. 685–8).Google Scholar Hammond (Epirus 817 N.B.) doubts its attribution to Epirus. The name it is true, is difficult to connect with the city Lissus (for Lissus see May, J. M. F., ‘Macedonia and Illyria’ in JRS xxxvi (1946) 48 ff.Google Scholar, esp. App. 54 ff., and Hammond, Epirus 449). For the provenience of the Delos inscription, see the suggestions by Robert, L., Hellenica xi–xii (1960) 568.Google Scholar

60 Hdt. i. 65. Also Forrest, W. G., A History of Sparta (London, 1968) 45–6Google Scholar and Robert, L., Hellenica v (1948) 10 ff.Google Scholar But also Pollux viii. in. For the see Wade-Gery, , CAH ii. 538 n. 1.Google Scholar

61 Stroud, op. cit. 241. For abbreviations concerning demes see inscriptions from Eretria: Wallace, W., ‘The demes of Eretria’, Hesperia xvi (1947) 115 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Abbreviations from Apollonia in Illyria: Robert, , REG lvii (1944), 213Google Scholar n. 111b and Hellenica xi–xii (1960) 563 n. 1.

62 Dow, op. cit. 97.

63 Stroud, op. cit. 240. This would mean that the military division into is found in Corinth and cities connected with her, like Phlious (?) and Apollonia, and that proxenoi are allotted to this division too, as well as to the political divisions of phratra and phyle.

64 Forrest, W. G., ‘The tribal organization of Chios’, BSA lv (1960) 172 ff.Google Scholar; cf. Robert, L., Hellenica v (1948) 12 n. 3.Google Scholar For Asia Minor (Miletos and Kyzikos) see Guarducci, op. cit. 68 and 75.

65 Robert, L., Hellenica v (1948) 13 ff.Google Scholar

66 It is very interesting to note that there exist, in legend, connections between Phlious and Korkyra (Scheria). Phlious was the native place of the nymph Kerkyra who was brought by Poseidon to the island, which thereafter bears her name: Diod. iv. 72. 3; Apol. Rhod. Argonaut, iv. 566 ff. and Schol. Also Paus. ii. 5. 2. But in Apollonios the myth is connected with Korkyra Melaina. See also Corinna fr. 1, col. ii, vv. 36–8 (ed. Page); and the suggestions of C. Romaios about in 184. See also Pindar, fr. 300 (ed. Bowra) = Paus. v. 22, 6. For Araithyrea as forerunner of Phlious, see Simpson, H. and Lazenby, J., The Catalogue of the Ships in Homer's Iliad (Oxford 1970) 67, 155.Google Scholar

67 Landau, O., Mykenisch-griechische Personennamen (Uppsala, 1958) 38, 37 and 236Google Scholar; Morpurgo, A., Mycenaeae Graecitatis Lexicon (Rome, 1963) 44, 51–2.Google Scholar It is not clear if there are any connections with the word and Chrysaor, in spite of the predominant position of Chrysaor on the west pediment of the Artemis temple (Korkyra ii. 135 ff.; cf. Hesiod, , Theogony, 280–8 (ed. West, , Oxford, 1966).Google Scholar Chrysaoreis, however, are found in Caria during the Hellenistic period, connected with Zeus Chrysaoreus of Stratonice (Strabo, xiv. 660). The cult is not known, but I think that the existence of a site in the same area (Strabo xiii. 611) named Pedasos (cf. Pegasos) is interesting for the provenience of the Medusa–Pegasos–Chrysaor myth (but see also Strabo vii. 2). Cf. also Pedasos/Pegasos in Caria, , in Scholia Townleyana in Hom. Il. Z, 35 (ed. Oxford 1887).Google Scholar For an inscription mentioning Chrysaoreis see BCH ix (1885) 468–9 and BCH x (1886) 308 ff., no. 4. Also Guarducci op. cit. ii. 104. For Antiocheia see Robert, , BCH xlix (1925) 228 ff.Google Scholar

68 Milet, Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen i. 3 no. 31 (a), 5.

69 Calligas, P., ADelt xxiv (1969) A. 51 ff.Google Scholar

70 Finley, op. cit.

71 Callipolitis, (PAE 1961, 124)Google Scholar dates to the end of the first century A.D. or beginning of second, while Dontas suggests a date around A.D. 200 (PAE 1964, 57). I think that it should be noted that the period of Septimius Severus is a one of reconstruction for Korkyra. The town seems to have limited itself to the area around the harbour of Alkinoos, but new buildings were erected: the Baths, the Odeion in the Agora, nearby (ADelt xxiv (1969) Chron. 260 f.)Google Scholar, and the building with the tomb (PAE 1966, 92 f.) to the east.

72 Dontas, , PAE 1964, 54–7.Google Scholar

73 Dontas, op. cit. 57. All sanctuaries excavated in Korkyra have produced stamped tiles, showing construction or repairs of the roof of the buildings in the Hellenistic period: Artemision, (Korkyra i. 166 ff.Google Scholar), Heraion, (a few from the Hellenistic building: ADelt xix (1964) Chron. 318–19Google Scholar and ADelt xx (1965) Chron. 388–9), the temple at Kardaki, the sanctuary of Artemis at Kanoni, (BCH xv (1891)Google Scholar 6n. 1 = IG ix. 1. 819).

74 Dontas, , PAE 1964, 57.Google Scholar

75 IG xii. 9 no. 56 (1–464).

76 De Franciscis, A., ‘L'Archivio del Tempio di Zeus and Locri i’, in Klearchos ix–x (1961) 19Google Scholar, fig. 1.

77 Suggested by Callipolitis, , PAE 1961, 128Google Scholar, but for a different reason.

78 Callipolitis, op. cit. 125, pl. 76a.

79 For the excavation see Papadimitriou, I., PAE 1939, 85–92.Google Scholar Also Calligas, P., ADelt xxiv (1969)Google Scholar Chron. (264 f.).

80 From an irregular excavation executed during the last war, now in the Corfu Museum; cf. Calligas, P., ADelt xxv (1970)Google Scholar Chron. (in press).

81 Dontas, op. cit. 58, pls. 52a and 53b. The fragments of painted imported pottery should also be noted: Callipolitis, op. cit.: 125–6, pls. 75a and 76b.

82 Callipolitis, op. cit. 125, pl. 75b.

83 That such a local workshop existed is also clear from the male figurines found in the small sanctuary of Apollo Korkyraios (Calligas, P., ADelt xxiii (1968) Chron. 310 ff., pl. 250Google Scholar) and also from Roda (id., ADelt. xxiv (1969) Chron. 266, pl. 264 f.).

84 Calligas, P., AAA iii (1970) 285 f.Google Scholar

85 Lehmann-Hertleben, , ‘Die antiken Hafenanlagen des Mittelmeeres’, Klio, Beiheft xiv (Leipzig, 1923) 96 ff., pl. xv.Google Scholar

86 See Dontas, , AE 1965, 139 ff.Google Scholar, esp. 141 n. 1 and 143 n. 5.

87 -Scylax, Ps., GGM. i 34Google Scholar (ed. Müller).

88 Dontas, , PAE 1965, 66–70Google Scholar and PAE 1966, 85. Dontas believes also in the existence of a Heroön in honour of Alkinoos, (PAE 1966, 85 and 94).Google Scholar

89 Thuc. iii. 74. 2–IG ix. 1. 692. For a recent restoration of the text see SEG xiii (1956) 384. For the excavations see Dontas, , AE 1965, 143 n. 5Google Scholar and PAE 1966, 85–92.

90 Eustath. Comm. on Dion. Perieg. (GGM ii. 310); see Dontas, , PAE 1966, 85.Google Scholar

91 As further evidence for this sanctuary of Alkinoos, the inscription IG ix. 1. 683 has been mentioned (Bürchner, , RE (1922) xi. 1412Google Scholar) but the text at this crucial point is fragmentary and the meaning ambiguous. It is more likely that the Alkinoos named there is a proper name ( or ), as we know it from Thyrrheion, (Ditt. Syll 3 421, line 20)Google Scholar, Kalymnos, (Syll 3 953, line 80)Google Scholar, and Magnesia, (Syll 3 697, line 100).Google Scholar See also Parke, The Oracles of Zeus 269 n. 21. Phaiax is also used as a proper name; see inscriptions from Euboia, , IG xii. 9. 942 and 1187.Google Scholar For a sanctuary of Nausithoos and Phaiax in Athens see RE xvi (1935) 202 f.

92 The Odyssey (vii. 56) connects the Phaiakes with Poseidon through Nausithoos, father of Alkinoos (see also Schol. Od. v. 35). Poseidon is also connected with Korkyra by the aetiological myth of Scheria-Drepane: Aristot. fr. 512 (ed. Rose) and Schol. Od. v. 34. In connection, I think, with this myth should be mentioned the existence of a Posideion near Bouthroton, opposite Korkyra (Strabo vii. 5), which in Ptolemy is named as a cape (iii. 14. 5). For Poseidon and the nymph Kerkyra see n. 66.

93 Od. vi. 266 and Scholia.

94 Pind. fr. 300 (ed. Bowra); cf. Diod. iv. 72. 3.

95 Compare the bronze inscribed plaque found also in the pit and belonging to the second half of the fifth century:

Dontas, , PAE 1964, 58.Google Scholar As indirect evidence for the existence of the sanctuary of Poseidon also in the Hellenistic period, one could take the fragmentary arbitration award concerning the Athamanes (IG ix. 1. 690), in which it seems that Korkyra was the arbitrating state, or rather that a Korkyraian was one of the arbitrators (cf. the case of Mondaea and Azorus (Tod, M., International Arbitration amongst the Greeks (Oxford, 1913) 29 n. xliv).Google Scholar The award was inscribed on stone and deposited possibly in the sanctuary of Poseidon in Korkyra, as it seems likely that property of some sanctuary of Poseidon on the mainland is involved (cf. Tod, op. cit. 154 ff.). The stone was found by the French in 1812, when they were digging a large moat (Romaios, , BCH xlix (1925) 193 ff.Google Scholar and fig. 2). This passed near the place where the lead inscriptions were found, but as the Agora is also not far away, the evidence for the final place of the award is not conclusive.

96 Calligas, P., AAA iii (1970) 285 f.Google Scholar