The issue of whether elites in societies with developing socioeconomic complexity emerge as a functional response to the needs of the community or emerge in response to opportunistic possibilities of self-aggrandizement is of critical importance to an understanding of the emergence of complex hierarchical societies. Existing ethnographies do not provide adequate observations to enable the competing models to be tested. Original fieldwork was therefore conducted in the Maya area, focusing on communities that had been extremely isolated in the earlier part of this century and that had experienced crises in which elites could be expected to materially aid the community if the primary reason for their existence was a “functional” one. We interviewed a wide range of older individuals representing different statuses in formerly isolated traditional communities. The results are unequivocal. Elites, or incipient elites, provided no aid to their communities in times of crisis other than actions that were designed to enhance the advantages of the elites. We argue that the Maya cargo system constitutes a special case of the broader category of competitive feasting systems found among many ranked societies throughout the world, and that the competitive feast is the main mechanism by which ambitious individuals acquire disproportionate goods, influence, and power.

A comparison of regional archaeological sequences for eastern and southern Mesoamerica should indicate if there were times of contemporaneous transcultural punctuated cultural developments. Punctuated developments in the form of cultural intensifications or destabilizations (cultural collapses) may imply external cultural stimulation, such as diffusion of ideas and/or technology, or natural external factors resulting from general climatic instability. Such information is relevant to understanding systems dynamics of cultural transformation from small-scale, egalitarian societies to ones characterized by stratification and ranked social orders.

Mesoamerican household sites were often deserted gradually, leaving very little de facto refuse for analysis. Starting with archaeological and paleobiological distribution patterns, this study adds a new dimension to the spatial study of two Classic households by plotting chemical concentrations in probable activity areas.

Mesoamerican archaeologists have long realized that agricultural food storage helped support large prehispanic centers, especially in places where food production was seasonally constrained by culture and environment. Yet, past storage has rarely been identified or interpreted accurately at Mesoamerican sites – a dilemma that challenges archaeologists to improve research methods. To meet this challenge, recent ethnoarchaeological research into household maize storage behavior among traditional Puuc Maya farmers has revealed that storage is closely interrelated with daily food processing activities. This information has fostered the development of a storage model (based on houselot spatial organization, activity scheduling, and refuse disposal), providing a framework to interpret the material remains of storage-related behavior affected by diverse maize storage techniques. Excavations within modern Puuc houselots have begun to document feature, refuse, chemical, and botanical patterns that indicate storage places. Together, these storage patterns and their spatial associations in Puuc houselots contribute significant information towards building an archaeological storage method.

In 1984, 29 obsidian artifacts and an unworked nodule from Tikal were attributed to source by visual means and then analyzed by X-ray fluorescence (XRF). We conclude that the considerable within-source optical variability of gray Mesoamerican obsidians makes visual sourcing unreliable at present, although a corpus of descriptions of the optical characteristics of obsidian may eventually provide a way to exclude possible sources. The XRF analysis identified two additional central Mexican sources, bringing to six the number of Mexican obsidian sources represented at Tikal; failed to provide a secure identification for the nodule; supported the succession of Guatemalan obsidian sources utilized by the Southern Lowland Maya previously proposed by Nelson; and suggested other correlations between source, artifact type, and archaeological context.

In the summer of 1989, major discoveries were made at the site of Joya de Cerén, El Salvador, where sudden depositions of volcanic ash in a.d. 600 resulted in unusually favorable conditions of preservation. The theoretical framework for the research is household archaeology, the study of prehistoric household groups. Household archaeology, as applied to Cerén can take advantage of the extraordinary preservation to study households in terms of their key activities of (a) production, including food, implements, vessels, and structures; (b) “pooling,” including storage, distribution, maintenance, and curation activities; (c) transmission of knowledge and material goods including access to resources; (d) reproduction in both the biological and sociocultural senses; and (e) co-residence/membership in the functioning residential group. One of the major finds was a possible codex or Precolumbian manuscript.

Hieroglyphic signs T757/788 have several functions in Maya texts, from strictly phonetic to grammatical. The author of this article suggests that a variant of this sign is the logograph for the verb or expression “to record,” which is different from the expression “to write.”

This article begins with a historical review of the study of ancient Mixtec civilization and how codices became alienated from the Oaxaca region and culture. Current interpretations of codices' geographic reality, their religious dimension, and the problems of chronology are discussed. Accurate interpretation of the Mixtec codices is shown to be very much dependent on the collaboration of modern Mixtecs, as the inheritors of the ancient culture.

We argue that a regional analysis which combines ethnohistoric, ethnographic, and archaeological Information can both discover and employ indigenous cultural ideals in a study of changing settlement Systems. Use of archaeological survey of the valleys of Tilantongo and Jaltepec in conjunction with the historical documentation in the Mixtec codices has allowed us to identify several ways in which ideals of landscape perception were encoded in the codices. This, in turn, allows an enhanced political and social discussion of both the changing patterns of settlement observed archaeologically and the purpose and meaning of the codices. We suggest that the codices, as a form of historical mapping, were produced to recount the common history of several closely interacting elite domains, the Postclassic Mixtec kingdoms of the southern Nochixtlan Valley and their neighbors.

This article begins with the assumption that the Mixtec codices were scripts to be performed. It reasons that as “scripts,” they contained clues to guide the performers in their public reading or chanting. It suggests that this reading would have corresponded to Mixtec canons of verbal artistry, and argues that the size and combination of figures in the codices reflect certain elements in the poetics of contemporary Mixtec speech.

The structure and meaning of Mixtec codical symbolism is examined, based on data drawn from language, ethnography, and ethnohistory. The article is divided into three parts: (a) a discussion of Mixtec ideology and myth, with respect to codex symbolism; (b) a description of Mixtec poetics and symbolic correlates; and (c) an interpretive commentary of a brief mythological passage from the Vienna codex as a practical illustration of the first two parts of the article.