Since the detailed study by Edith Porada of the cylinder seals and small objects from the celebrated treasure found in the temple of Mont at Tôd in Upper Egypt, questions concerning its origin and date still remain unanswered. Porada suggested that in addition to seals from Eastern Iran and possibly Afghanistan, a North Syrian origin for two of the cylinders seems a distinct possibility. Two other cylinder seals were carved in Mesopotamian style, one of them being datable to the period of the Third Dynasty of Ur. She also showed conclusively that there are no cylinders which can be dated later than 1800 B.C. (Middle Chronology) and that the latest cylinders belonged to the Isin-Larsa period. Her conclusions concerning the origin of the treasure and the importance of parallels for the amulets and other small objects with material from Mari and Ebla are entirely convincing. A recent study by Christine Lilyquist stresses the evidence for a date within the reign of Amenemhet II for the deposition of the treasure which was found in four metal boxes inscribed with the king's name. While in studies concerning the 153 silver vessels Cretan and Mycenaean prototypes have been cited, Anatolia has not received so much attention. Here it will be suggested that there is considerable recently published evidence from Anatolia and Syria which is relevant to the Tôd silver cups, and that a consideration of recently published textual material from Mari, Ebla, Rimah and Brak may also be useful.

The funerary architecture of the Imperial period in south-west Anatolia has long been recognized as deserving of attention due to its variety, complexity, and the sheer number of extant tombs. Recently, a preliminary survey at the Pisidian site of Ariassos has revealed the presence of an extensive necropolis containing a large number of well-preserved tombs. One of the best-preserved and most interesting of these tombs is a large funerary monument, a mausoleum, on a tall podium. An analysis of the mausoleum's type, and its probable antecedents, enables us to reconstruct the architectural climate of this provincial city during the Roman Imperial period.

The site of Ariassos, in Pisidia, is located approximately 3 km. south-west of the village of Bademaǧacı, 50 km. north of Antalya, and is today clearly signposted off the main road. The identification of the site has been known since the late nineteenth century, when Ariassos was visited in around 1885 by an Austrian team, under the guidance of K. Lanckoronski; however, the ruins were identified as those of the city of Cretopolis. Using inscriptional evidence, a French epigraphic expedition to Asia Minor correctly identified the site in a publication of 1892.

The rock-cut church of Al Oda (the Red Room) does not seem to have been visited in the past by any European traveller. In September, 1953, on the advice of Bay Neşri Atlay, then headmaster of the Primary School at Mut, a party consisting of Mr. and Mrs. Michael Gough, Mr. Michael Ballance and Mr. David Wilson visited the site and made a preliminary investigation. It was then decided to carry out a full examination at a later date, and this was done in August, 1955. The work was under the immediate charge of Mr. Martin Harrison of Lincoln College, Oxford, who also made reproductions in water-colour of some of the paintings and of the mosaics.

The extensive use of glass inlays on ivories and as separate inlays together with ivories, presumably on the same furniture, is one of the features characteristic of Western Asiatic ivories dating from the ninth and eighth centuries B.C. Their introduction marked a clear departure from second millennium B.C. traditions of ivory carving and their disappearance after the eighth century B.C. coincided with the end of the Golden Age of Western Asiatic ivory carving.

In this discussion I intend to call attention to some phenomena connected with the use of glass inlays on and together with ivories from the ninth and eighth centuries B.C. rather than presenting a full review of the subject — a project beyond the scope of the present study. It will be shown that the distinction between non-inlaid and inlaid groups of ivories in Phoenician style has a bearing on their attribution to different workshops and possibly also on their chronology.

Black line is a polychrome overglaze painting technique that was developed in Central Asia in the late 14th century. Black-line tilework is also found in 15th- and 16th-century Anatolia, yet it is unclear how the tradition emerged in this region. This paper investigates the appearance of the technique in Anatolia and situates it in the context of Timurid (1370–1501) tilework as well as the development of Anatolian traditions of the Rum Seljuk (1077–1307) and Beylik (1071–1453) periods. The analysis is conducted by tracing the history of two tiles from the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art and by stylistic, technological and contextual comparisons with Seljuk, Timurid and Ottoman examples. I suggest that the introduction of the black-line technique to Anatolia was concurrent with the introduction of yellow pigment in the 15th century. I also propose that the Metropolitan Museum tiles should be redated to the second half of the 15th century on the basis that they were produced in Anatolia by craftsmen trained in Transoxiana who were also familiar with local Rum Seljuk and Karamanid traditions. These artists introduced new eastern styles which, together with local traditions, created an exciting experimental period in Anatolian tilework production and contributed to the emergence of Ottoman tile art.

Over the past two decades or so, excavations at Klazomenai have unearthed a wealth of information about the Early Iron Age, showing it to have been a thriving settlement at this time. Accordingly, it is intriguing that systematic surveys in the chora of Klazomenai have turned up very few sites that can be dated to this period. In this contribution, we discuss the implications of this discrepancy between the excavation data and the survey data in terms of the relationship between the settlement and its surrounding countryside. We argue that the lack of identified sites in the chora does not mean a lack of movement or that Klazomenai was an isolated spot in an otherwise desolate landscape. Furthermore, we discuss briefly how the developments that took place during the Early Iron Age ultimately led to the emergence of the polis at the beginning of the Archaic period. Our principal aim is to highlight the importance of the survey data, not only in terms of exploring the web of relations in which Klazomenai was tangled during the Early Iron Age, but also for highlighting in more detail the diversities that existed in ancient Ionia

By the following lines I should like to express my gratitude to Fritz Eichler, the late Director of the Austrian Archaeological Institute, a gentleman whose like may not be found so easily nowadays, who made possible A. Bammer's work at the Ephesus Artemisium, and who directed my interest to East Greek art and artistry as well, since at the moment times are hard for an archaeologist who works on other than Roman Imperial trifles at Efes City.

When Bammer came across bobbin-like objects made of rock crystal, some people thought that he had found parts of Wood's surveying devices or the like, in spite of the fact that they came without any doubt from stratified layers dated between 650 and 550 B.C. Besides, Hogarth had unearthed some 15 pieces of this type already. These “large studs or buttons”, as Hogarth had called them, are hyperboloids of specific shape turned on a lathe, as can be inferred by a faint deepening in the centre of the larger side of some of these hyperboloids. The larger side is always concave, the smaller one plane or slightly convex.

The interesting village-site of Gerga was first described by G. Cousin in BCH XXIV (1900), 28–31. He was followed in 1933 by A. Laumonier, who published two articles in BCH LVIII (1934), 304–7 and LX (1936), 286–97; cf. Les Cultes Indigènes en Carie 446–51. The ruins, now known as Gâvurdamları or Gâvurpazarı, lie in the wild mountain country some 6 km. east-south-east of Eski Çine, above the valley of the Marsyas river. The nearest city is Alabanda 12 or 13 km. to the northwest. Both of the French scholars approached the site in what was then the natural way, from the west and north; but the fine new tarmac road from Çine to Yatağan has now made the approach from the south much easier, and on 6th October, 1968, I visited Gerga from this direction, crossing the Marsyas near the fine old Turkish bridge at Incekemer. The site proves to be a good deal more extensive than had previously been realised. It extends over two hills, which I call the eastern and western, though north-eastern and south-western would perhaps be more accurate. The principal centre, with the very handsome “funerary temple”, the strange statue, the curious pyramidal stelae and other features, is on the south slope of the higher eastern hill, and neither Cousin nor Laumonier seems to have penetrated much, if at all, beyond this.

Throughout his long and distinguished career Dr. R. D. Barnett has been greatly interested in metalwork of the 1st millennium B.C. and has made many important contributions to this subject. Naturally these have tended to concentrate on the collections with which he has been for so long associated, those of the Department of Western Asiatic Antiquities at the British Museum. They range from his studies of the Toprak Kale material to a recent article on the Nimrud bowls, and even include some thoughts on the bronze coffins which are the subject of this article (Barnett 1956, pp. 114–16). If the conclusions reached here are slightly different from his own, I hope he will forgive my temerity and accept this offering in the spirit in which it is intended, one of respect, affection, and also gratitude, for his learning and enthusiasm have ever been an inspiration to younger colleagues such as myself.

The coffins under discussion here are square at one end and rounded at the other, and have high straight sides. They are made from two sheets of bronze hammered into shape and joined together in the middle of the long sides. The joins are concealed by vertical strips of bronze applied inside and out and held in position by rivets.

In 1974 a group of copper alloy objects, including two figurines and a number of weapons, was taken to Adana Museum by a dealer from İslahiye. The objects were said to have come from a site near Kilis. One of the figurines, which has gold foil on the face, was bought by Adana Museum. Temporary closure of Adana Museum has precluded examination of this figurine. In 1975 fourteen copper alloy objects from this same group, including a figurine wearing gold and silver ornaments around the neck, were purchased from the same dealer by the Gaziantep Museum for the sum of thirty thousand Turkish Lira, then about one thousand pounds sterling. This time they were said to have come from the vicinity of Sakçagözü. Staff of Gaziantep Museum brought the existence of this hoard to the attention of the British Institute which was engaged in a restudy of material from earlier British excavations in the Sakçagözü region (French and Summers 1988). The author is extremely grateful to the Museum for allowing access to the finds, to David French for his encouragement and advice, Tuǧrul Çakar for the photography and Jane Goddard who made the drawings. This paper has benefited greatly from discussions with Drs. John Curtis, Roger Moorey, Graham Philip and Trevor Watkins. Any faults remain, of course, the responsibility of the author.

Some twenty-three objects in the Bronze Age Aegean have been identified as “Hittite” in previous literature. Scholars investigating the nature of the relations between Hittites and Mycenaeans continue to cite one or more of these objects, although many have since been shown to be of non-Hittite origins. In this paper I propose to reexamine the “authenticity” of the Hittite objects reported within the Bronze Age Aegean. The twenty-three objects in question can readily be grouped as to (A) those which might be and (B) those which are not Central Anatolian Hittite in origin.

The recent discovery of a number of new milestones in Galatia proper prompts a re-examination of the road system of that area, important as it was as a centre of communications from early times. The importance of Ancyra in particular as a road-junction is well illustrated by a large number of milestones dating to the first and second centuries A.D.; perhaps the rapid development of that city at this time is to be attributed in part to a realisation of its strategic importance.

In 1993, the head of an emperor was found in Pompeiopolis (Soloi or modern Viranşehir) and delivered to the Mersin Museum, where it is now on display (Pl. IX (a–d)). The head is notable because of its crystalline white marble material and its larger-than-life size. Maximum dimensions: H: 0·39 m, H (chin to crown): 0·32 m, W: 0·31 m, Th: 0·32 m.

The head had been broken from its statue-body, but has been preserved together in one piece with the neck. Its state of preservation is good, but there is the following damage to its features. Large chips have gone from the base of the neck on the left (Pl. IX (a, d)), and a smaller piece from the surface of the middle of the neck on the right. The beard on the lower side of the chin, the upper lip and the nose are broken. On the left (a, c), one larger chip has gone from the cheek, two smaller ones around the temple. A large portion of a hair lock is broken above the temple and the ear on the left. The centre of the corona civica, which might have had a jewel in its middle, has been damaged and a large portion has broken off (Pl. IX (a, b)). The surface, especially on the flesh parts, has weathered.

At the Rencontre Assyriologique held in Vienna in July, 1981, Dr. Harry Hoffner Jr. presented a paper in which he discussed a new join he had made to the Milawata letter, a document long recognized as being of considerable importance for Hittite historical studies, although one which is frustratingly fragmentary and incomplete.

Without doubt, the join provides important new information on historical and political developments in western Anatolia in the period when the letter was written, during the 13th century B.C.; more specifically, it throws interesting new light on the circumstances in which it was written, and may help indirectly to establish the identity of both its author, a Hittite king, and its recipient. Perhaps of most immediate interest is the fact that we now have the name of another king of Wilua—Walmu. Walmu was already known to us from the original text, but the two passages in which his name appeared were too fragmentary to provide any more specific information about him. The new join provides us not only with this information, but a good deal more besides.

The letter preserved in the British Museum Landsdowne MS 241, f 39.3a has not, so far as I know, been published verbatim. It is mentioned by Foster (1931, 278), in his edition of the letters and other writings brought together by John Sanderson, as follows:

It is the only item of correspondence between William Harborne and James Towerson to be preserved in Sanderson's collection; it was copied out for Sanderson by his apprentice, John Hanger (see Foster 1931, ix).

Physical conditions have an important and many-faceted influence upon the human occupation and use of an area. Their influence is not always direct, but depends upon the perception of the physical environment by a resident or immigrant group. Only a part of the perceived environment affects decisionmaking and influences behavioural patterns as expressed, for example, in the siting of settlements and the use of land for subsistence. Behaviour, in turn, not only affects the physical environment – by the clearance of forest, for example – but also influences the way in which the physical environment is perceived. Continuous reappraisal is thus integral to successful human occupation and use of an area. Accordingly, established patterns may change, perhaps almost imperceptibly but sometimes radically. The mere existence of an established pattern, however, shapes subsequent reappraisals and, to some extent, controls necessary modifications and changes. A model of geographical change through time is thus more spiral than linear.

La Bactriane ne fut longtemps connue que comme un territoire limité an nord par l'Oxus, que les Perses avaient tiré de la préhistoire en l'annexant à leur empire, et dont les antécédents échappaient presque totalement. Or en 1966, les autorités afghanes récupérèrent pour le Musée de Kabul un “trésor” de vases d'or et d'argent qui aurait été trouvé fortuitement par des paysans. Il présentait l'intérêt de révéler des contacts inattendus avec la Mésopotamie du IIIe millénaire. Il aurait été trouvé au nord de Kabul, à l'est de la rivière Qunduz-ab, près de la ville de Baghlan. Curieusement, deux noms différents furent attribués au lieu de leur découverte: soit Khosh Tapa, soit Fullol, au point que l'on peut se demander s'il ne s'agirait pas de deux sites différents. Et comme les fouilles effectuées immédiatement ne donnèrent absolument rien, pas même des tessons, la question peut se poser de savoir si les paysans n'auraient pas délibérément trompé les enquêteurs sur l'origine réelle du trésor. En effet, quelques années plus tard, d'autres vases précieux apparaissaient, mais comme cela est bien plus normal, mêlés au matériel très varié mis au jour pas les clandestins, et cette fois dans une région bien déterminée: dans les nécropoles voisines et contemporaines des grandes installations explorées par les archéologues soviétiques dans la plaine de Balkh, en Bactriane occidentale. Les plus importantes de ces installations sont celles du site n° 3 de l'oasis de Dashly-tépé, datées initialement du milieu du IIe millénaire, mais qui pourraient avoir été fondées déjà dans la seconde moitié du IIIie.