In 1899, municipal officials throughout Mexico sent tables of agricultural statistics to Mexico City to assist in the preparation of a special publication for the 1900 Paris Universal Exposition, where the Mexican government hoped it would impress the world with Mexico's modernity and potential. Though the activity was nothing new, the ways in which municipal officials provided the requested information confounded the national project of both understanding and representing the Mexican countryside. The statistics were never published. This article serves as an introduction to a new dataset and collection of maps built from transcriptions of the manuscript tables. It also demonstrates that regular participation in statistical undertakings served as a means for provincial Mexicans to complicate and confound the process of state consolidation. Here I see, rather than refusal or rebellion, ready participation in state knowledge projects as another way in which those beyond Mexico City managed their relationships with President Porfirio Díaz's technocratic government. Engaging with conceptions of governmentality on one side and data management on the other, I use the 1899 agricultural statistics to highlight how unruly participation in data collection frustrated the practice's centralizing and standardizing project.

The admission of Alaska and Hawaii into the Union as states has once again raised the question of Puerto Rico's constitutional status. Many islanders see the present commonwealth, very nearly the personal creation of Governor Luis Muñoz Marín, as a way station on the road to full membership in the American federal system. Independence sentiment, barring economic catastrophe, seems safely relegated to the realm of polemical fantasy. Thus the island's only tangible constitutional problem is its relation to the United States: should it be associated with, or an integral part of the mainland. No event in Puerto Rican history has been more important in shaping the course of the island's development than the grant of collective United States citizenship in the Jones Act of 1917. And no Puerto Rican politician of the era was more influential than Luis Muñoz Rivera, who embodied the dominant Unionista party in the same way that his son embodies the now dominant Popular party. Muñoz Rivera's role in the politics of the Jones Bill affords a revealing view of the difficulties of working within the framework of colonialism, and of being forced to reconcile aspirations with political realities.

In all the confusion of nineteenth century political conflict in Latin America, clearly defined doctrinal issues and policy disagreements . are often hard to detect. The clearest—it is generally agreed—had to do with religious matters. The specific content of debate might vary with time and place, but everywhere in Latin America a fundamental question was posed: i.e., to what extent the Roman Catholic Church should continue to enjoy the status it had acquired during the colonial period, when it held a religious monopoly, a vast amount of wealth, extensive influence in the field of education, and much more besides. Few Latin American leaders opposed all innovation on the ecclesiastical front, and even fewer wished a total transformation; but there was ample room for controversy, with "liberals" normally seeking more rapid and fundamental changes than "conservatives" were prepared to accept.

Carlos Martínez de Irujo y Tacón was first secretary of the Spanish Embassy in London, when he received a promotion and transfer as minister plenipotentiary of the Spanish legation in Philadelphia, replacing the chargé d'affaires, José Jáudenes y Nebot, who returned to Spain for a new assignment. Carlos Martínez de Irujo arrived in Philadelphia in the summer of 1796 and assumed his duties. Soon after arrival, the diplomat met, and apparently was captivated by, Sally McKean, the vivacious sixteen-year old daughter of Pennsylvania's chief justice and one of the state's most respected citizens—Thomas McKean. Two years later the couple married at St. Augustine Parochial Church in Philadelphia. Sally McKean, being from an influential American family, along with her own charm, grace, intelligence and beauty, contributed greatly to the success of her husband's mission in the United States. In 1802, as a result of his diplomatic services in Philadelphia, Martínez de Irujo received the Spanish aristocratic title of Marquis of Casa Irujo, with his Philadelphia-born wife becoming the first Marquise of Casa Irujo. He served as Spanish minister in Philadelphia and Washington, D.C., until 1808, when he was reassigned to Spain, accompanied by his wife and their six year old son. This Spanish diplomat culminated a brilliant professional career when he was named Secretary of State in 1819.

Few Countries have so consistently captured the interest of writers as Mexico; and in the writing of their reflections and observations, historians and literary people have accentuated their own opinions of what the religious crisis of 1926-1930 was. The purpose of this article is to present the attitude of the United States government toward that internal conflict in Mexico; and to stress the policy of unofficial intervention that resulted. The period that we have selected is one of explosive relations between church and state. The figures who dominate the Mexican scene are Plutarco Elias Calles who was president of Mexico from 1924 to 1928; and Emilio Portes Gil, who was interim president of Mexico from 1928 to February 4, 1930, and completely under the policy determination of Calles. During this period we have two Secretaries of State who fashioned United States policy: Frank B. Kellogg (1925-1929) and Henry L. Stimson (1929-1933); but the designers of policy in the field were James Rockwell Sheffield (1924-1927) and Dwight W. Morrow (1927-1930).

Dijo anoche, su canto de muerte
la Canción de la tos en tu percho
y, al mojarse en las notas rojizas
mostró flores de sangre el pañuelo.

Pulmonary tuberculosis substantially influenced societal attitudes and Argentine life style in the nineteenth century. Because tuberculosis was socially defined, how Porteños viewed the tubercular depended on conceptions of the disease, as well as popular and medical views of contagion and cure. Illness did not isolate individuals from society or even from familiar faces and responsibilities. Class, gender, age, attitudes on contagion, and approaches to treatment influenced the choices available to men, women, and children.

In the words of the Brazilian historian, “Brazil was born Franciscan,” since it was a Franciscan, Frei Henrique Soares de Coimbra, and his confreres, who said the first Holy Mass on Brazilian soil in 1500.

After that, in 1516, two anonymous Franciscans were massacred by the Indians near Porto Seguro. Various groups of Franciscans in Brazil are mentioned during the rest of the sixteenth century, until, in 1584, Fr. Francisco Gonzaga, while visiting Portugal in his capacity as Minister General, and presiding at the provincial chapter of the Franciscan Province of St. Anthony in Portugal, decreed the founding of the custody, or minor-province, of St. Anthony in Brazil. He did this over the objections of some of the friars assisting at the chapter, who thought their numbers too small to think of founding a new mission.

Fifty years ago all Mexico assembled at the feet of the ancient and venerated image of Our Lady of Guadalupe, and in token of their loving submission to the Queen of Heaven, an imperial crown was placed on the head of the Blessed Mother of God. Her spiritual empire had been extended from the day when she had first appeared to the Indian Juan Diego on the hill of Tepeaca. The holy friar and first Archbishop of Mexico, the Franciscan Don Fray Juan de Zumárraga, was proud to have been among the first to kneel before the holy Image. Our Lady had won the hearts of all Mexicans. Tireless missionaries had taught the story of Guadalupe to their neophytes in far-off lands, and in this year of grace 1945, when all the American continent claims her as their Queen, the Chapter of the Basilica of Guadalupe, the Archbishops and Bishops of Mexico, and the hierarchy of all the Americas joined in the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the Coronation of Our Lady of Guadalupe.

In December 1841, voters in Sonsonate (El Salvador) elected Frenchman and long-time resident, Luis Bertrand Save, as their alcalde, or municipal judge, for 1842. The governor insisted that Save accept the office. However, Save convinced El Salvador's president that he should not serve since he was not a citizen of the country, citing French and Salvadoran laws to back up his argument. French law mattered because Save could lose his qualité de français, or “Frenchness,” by holding office in a foreign government, and Salvadoran laws limited office-holding to its own citizens. In 1843, Save was again elected alcalde and again protested because “the law requires for these positions that it is indispensable that the elected be a citizen of the country. While I am a vecino (for I live in Sonsonate), I am not a ciudadano (citizen), and as a foreigner, have neither a letter of naturalization, nor am I naturalized de facto.” That is, Save acknowledged the importance of local citizenship and accepted the status of a Sonsonate vecino, or community member, but pointed out that he lacked national membership because his domicile did not make a “foreigner” a citizen, and he lacked the institutional change of status, naturalization, to overcome that foreignness.

Since 1773 various official and semi-official lists of the California missions with their founding dates have been compiled, but the lists do not all agree with one another nor with the founding reports. This paper is an attempt at a critical and analytical study of the founding dates based on the founding reports, on the annual reports (estados) of the individual missions, on the beginning dates (comenzadas) on the title pages of the parochial books, on the traditional lists, and on the factors involved in the founding of the establishments. In the 1920's Father Engelhardt made some study of these lists in his various histories of the missions, but some of the findings may be questioned.

Without Doubt one of the buildings of greatest historical merit in the capital of Mexico is the ancient Church of San Francisco. There, shortly after arriving at the Aztec metropolis, the “Twelve Apostles of Mexico,” Fray Martín de Valencia and his companions established their home. These saintly men through their superhuman missionary activity converted that church into a fervent center of religion and culture. Adjoining the large church, they built the famous college of arts and trades destined especially for the Indian youths, which was directed by that great missionary, Fray Pedro de Gante. From that church and its convent the missionaries set forth to extend their activities southward to Peru, and northward to New Mexico, Colorado and Kansas. With reason, therefore, this ancient sanctuary of San Francisco may be considered the cradle of Christian Mexico, as well as the mother church of the Franciscans in the Americas.

Conventional wisdom holds that two sharp breaks occurred historically in Mexican church-state relations: the first during the Reforma (1857-1861), and the second during the Revolution (1910-1920). These breaks reflected growing estrangement and hostility between secular and ecclesiastical authorities, culminating finally, with the Constitution of 1917, in the most anti-clerical and even anti-religious legislation ever enacted in the hemisphere. This paper has no quarrel with the above interpretation as far as it goes. What I will argue here is that, despite these very real changes, certain basic continuities have persisted in the conceptualization of the relationship between Church and State. Moreover, a number of specific quarrels and modes of government response have roots that extend well into the colonial period. Anti-monasticism has some precedent in the expulsion of the Jesuits in 1767, and the nationalization of Church property in 1859 and again in 1917, in the royal Consolidation of 1804.