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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 April 2020
This article recounts the story of the Seventh-day Adventists’ success in Puno, Peru, between 1900 and 1925, from a grassroots perspective. Retracing the footsteps of prominent indigenous converts, the article presents the discovery that most of the church's native leaders were army veterans. These men had spent years away from their communities and, upon their return, discovered the numerous challenges of reintegration into rural society. In almost every aspect of communal life, veterans encountered obstacles to their reintegration: their lands had been usurped, they lacked the necessary social and political outreach, and they were ridiculed and marginalized because of the cultural—apparently mestizo—habits and practices they had adopted while away. In their quest for alternatives, these veterans left the Catholic Church and converted to Seventh-day Adventism. Conversion, I argue, offered an answer to the difficulties of their reintegration. It provided new opportunities for social and economic mobility and possibilities for veterans to reinterpret their Indian racial identity in a way that would include the seemingly mestizo traits they had adopted while in the barracks and on the coast. Thus, this paper sheds light on how religious conversion served to ameliorate some of the difficulties that veterans faced as they attempted to re-enter rural life.
I give special thanks to Prof. Steven Kaplan, Hebrew University, Prof. Erick Langer, Georgetown University, and Prof. Gerardo Leibner, Tel Aviv University and the faculty and students at the Sverdlin Institue for Latin American History and Culture at Tel Aviv University for their valuable comments, support, and encouragement during the PhD research that forms the basis for this article. I have also benefited from the insightful suggestions of two anonymous reviewers for The Americas.
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16. In the Andes the term ‘estancia’ is used to refer to a small landholding, usually owned by Indians. ‘Hacienda’ refers to a large estate owned by mestizos.
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28. Similarly, Thomas Rath argues that local authorities in Mexico used conscription and military instruction to intimidate members of labor unions and cope with labor unrest. See Rath, Thomas, “‘Que el cielo un soldado en cada hijo te dio … ’: Conscription, Recalcitrance, and Resistance in Mexico in the 1940s,” Journal of Latin American Studies 37 (August 2005): 515CrossRefGoogle Scholar. One could also try to use social networks to avoid conscription. In fact, Christine Hunefeldt demonstrates that Indian communal authorities advocated against the conscription of certain members of their communities. See Hunefeldt, “Power Constellations in Peru,” 61, 63.
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35. Quarrels over inheritance were also prevalent among mestizos. See Harry Tschopik, The Aymara of Chucuito, Peru: [Part 1] Magic,” Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History 44:2 (New York: American Museum of Natural History, 1951), 161.
36. Annalyda Álvarez-Calderón, “Pilgrimages through Mountains, Deserts, and Ocean: The Quest for Indian Citizenship, Puno (1900–1930)” (PhD diss.: Stony Brook University, 2009), 15.
37. It is not known exactly how Candelaria Mamani and Lucas Mamani were related. However, we know that they had the same surname, that they lived in the same ayllu, and that their estancias were close to one another. Thus, at the very least, they were part of the same extended family.
38. Queja de Simón León y Lucas Mamani, indígenas del Distrito de Chucuito, 1912, ARP, Prefectura, caja 238.
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41. Obviously, this was not the experience of all veterans, and some were rather successful in establishing or maintaining relationships with local mestizos. Justo Condori, an Indian army veteran forged alliances with local mestizos and hacienda owners and assited them agains the Indian rebels in Wancho. José Luis Ayala, Yo fui canillita de José Carlos Mariátegui: (auto) biografía de Mariano Larico Yurja (Kollao: Editorial Periodística S. C. R., 1990), 85.
42. Mallon, The Defense of Community, 85–90.
43. Queja de Pedro Pauro, indígena de Chucuito,1912, ARP, Prefectura, caja 238. An additional source includes Adventists’ complaints against the cargo system (although it is unknown if the plaintiffs were veterans): Queja de Maximo Nacca, Manuel Yupanqui, Eugenio Flores … indígenas del Distrito de Chucuito, 1912, ARP, Prefectura, caja 238.
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56. In many Latin American nations, violence against conscripts during this period seems to have been widespread and to have targeted rookies, especially those from the popular classes. See Ablard, Jonathan, “‘The Barracks Receives Spoiled Children and Returns Men’: Debating Military Service, Masculinity and Nation-Building in Argentina, 1901–1930,” The Americas 74:3 (July 2017): 317CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Beattie, Peter, The Tribute of Blood: Army, Honor, Race and Nation in Brazil, 1864–1945 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2001)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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61. Indians remained “equal” before the law until the mid 1920s, at which time a new penal code was enacted, reintroducing “Indian” as a legal category, and addressing Indians’ special social circumstances. See Lior Ben David, “Indians and Indigenistas in the Field of Criminal Law: The Cases of Mexico and Peru, 1910s–1960s” (PhD diss.: Tel Aviv University, 2011). On colonial racial hierarchies and their implications, see Jackson, Robert, Race, Caste, and Status: Indians in Colonial Spanish America (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1999), 118–120Google Scholar.
62. Clothing serves as an important role in fiestas in both Mesoamerica and the Andes, and it is common for people to wear costumes or to dress in their best clothes on these occasions. See Barlett, Peggy, “Reciprocity and the San Juan Fiesta,” Journal of Anthropological Research 36:1 (April 1980): 116–130CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kandt, Vera, “Fiesta in Cuetzalan,” Artes de México 115 (January 1972): 104–107Google Scholar; and Meisch, Lynn, “We are Sons of Atahualpa and We Will Win: Traditional Dress in Otavalo and Saraguro, Ecuador,” in Textile Traditions of Mesoamerica and the Andes: An Anthropology, Achevill, Margot Blum et al. , eds. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1991)Google Scholar.
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68. Queja de Santos Valdéz y Mariano Chahuaris, indígenas del Distrito de Chucuito, March 1913), APZ, Correspondencias. Cartas Recibidas.
69. See for example Camacho's self-reference in Queja de Santos Valdéz y Mariano Chahuaris; Queja de los indígenas de Chucuito, 1912, ARP, Prefectura, caja 238; and Queja de Máximo Naca, Manuel Yupanqui y otros, 1912, ARP, Prefectura, caja 238.
70. It is important to note that the veterans who made up the indigenous leadership of the Adventist Church were literate. Manuel Camacho and Juan Huanca wrote their own petitions and did not depend on notaries to choose their words for them.
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74. Another exception was the “Negro mission,” which formed a part of the Southern Union Conference and was probably an outcome of US segregation laws.
75. See for example the lists of missions, conferences, and unions in the Seventh-Day Adventist yearbooks for 1908, 1915, and 1919, published by the Review & Herald Publishing Association, Takoma Park, MD, http://documents.adventistarchives.org/Yearbooks/Forms/AllItems.aspx, accessed January 24, 2020.
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77. Chambi, “Sección Pedagógica,” 6. Comparing the names Chambi mentions in these pages with other sources has led to the confirmation of five students as veterans. Considering the difficulty in finding such information, it is likely that more were veterans.
78. According to one letter, local authorities had been harassing Camacho before the missionaries arrived. See Manuel Camacho al Presidente de la República, “Impetran protección oficial para sus escuelas particulares,” in Wilfredo Kapsoli, El pensamiento de la Asociación Pro Indígena (Cusco: Centro Bartolomé de Las Casas, 1980), 138.
79. Initially, the Adventists were unsuccessful in Bolivia, and their missionary efforts yielded few converts. The situation changed in the 1920s when local Aymara leaders, among them Santos Marka T'ula and Gregorio Titiriku, contacted the church and asked for its help in establishing rural schools for Indian children. See Taller de Historia Oral Andina (THOA), “The Indian Santos Marka T'ula, Chief of the ayllus of Qallapa and General Representative of the Indian Communities of Bolivia,” History Workshop Journal 34 (October 1992): 116; and Waskar Ari-Chachaki, “Between Indian Law and Qullasuyu Nationalism: Gregorio Titiriku and the Making of AMP Indigenous Activists, 1921–1964,” Bolivian Studies Journal 15–17 (2008–2010): 100.
80. “Criminal Sumario: denuncia de Manuel Z. Camacho y compartes por el delito de sedición y otros”, 1914, ARP, Expedientes criminales, Folio 98, Libro 14 n. 671.
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81. Juan Fonseca Ariza, Misioneros y civilizadores. Protestantismo y modernización en el Perú (1915–1930), (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2002), 42. Monica Orozco has noted a similar tendency among Mexican liberal elites who “retained nominal allegiance to Catholicism” and “were actually most enthusiastic about the ideas of … Auguste Comte.” See Orozco, Monica, “‘Not to be Called Christian’: Protestant Perceptions of Catholicism in Nineteenth-Century Latin America,” in Religion and Society in Latin America: Interpretive Essays from Conquest to Present, Penyak, Lee et al. , eds. (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 2009), 182Google Scholar.
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84. Denuncia de Manuel Z. Camacho y compartes, 1.
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95. E. L. Maxwell to W. A. Spicer, November 13, 1917, GCA, General Files 21, 1917-Maxwell, location 3295, RG 21; Achenbach, C. V., “Experiences at the Lake Titicaca Mission,” Advent Review and Herald 93:11 (March 2, 1916): 10Google Scholar.
96. It is very difficult to find sources on indigenous women converts, especially for the very early years of the mission. The most obvious reason for this has to do with literacy. When Manuel Camacho opened his school about 1900, all of his students were men. This situation appears to have lasted until around 1915, four years after Ferdinand Stahl officially established the mission, when Ana Stahl began to pay attention to women. Second, patriarchal conceptions often prevented even literate women from making official statements and signing documents. Dealing with authorities, including Adventist Church authorities, was considered a male domain. Thus, for example, only a few women signed the 1920 petition to the Adventist Church headquarters requesting that Ferdinand Stahl remain in Titicaca. It appears that these women were widows or not yet married. Third, missionaries took relatively little interest in native women, and their wives, who are often an important source for scholars studying these topics, published relatively little on the topic in Adventist newspapers and magazines.
97. Field-Colburn, Gussie, “Aymara Indian Girls,” Youth Instructor 70:12 (March 21 1922): 4Google Scholar. Gussie Field-Colburn arrived with her husband H. M Colburn in Puno around 1920. There, they served as missionaries among the Aymara for several years.
98. On the relationship between female missionaries and the native women they met in the field, see Patessio, Mara, “Western Women Missionaries and their Japanese Female Charges, 1870–1890,” Women's History Review 16:1 (2007): 59–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Grimshaw, Patricia, Paths of Duty: American Missionary Wives in Nineteenth-Century Hawaii (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1989)Google Scholar; and Rowbotham, Judith, “‘Hear an Indian Sister's Plea’: Reporting the Work of Nineteenth-Century British Female Missionaries,” Women's Studies International Forum 21:3 (May 1998): 247–261CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
99. de la Cadena, Marisol, “‘Women are More Indian’: Ethnicity and Gender in a Community near Cuzco,” in Ethnicity, Markets, and Migration in the Andes, Larson, and Harris, , eds. (Durham: Duke University Press, 1995), 332–333Google Scholar. To put it in another light, the ideological justifications of patriarchy were embedded in women's racial inferiority. The opposite is also true, as the subordination of Indians and rural communities was often justified through their feminine qualities.
100. De la Cadena, “Women are More Indian,” 343.
101. Field-Colburn, “Aymara Indian Girls,” 4. Colburn also briefly mentions the issue of women's literacy here: Field-Colburn, Gussie, “Indian Courting,” Youth Instructor 72:5 (January 29 1924): 10Google Scholar.
102. Elder and Mrs. Achenbach, “New Central Mission Station,” Field Tiding 8:34 (November 1 1916): 2.
103. Orlove, Benjamin, “Down to Earth: Race and Substance in the Andes,” Bulletin of Latin American Research 17:2 (May 1998): 207–222CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
104. Manuel Camacho to Presidente de la República, “Impetran protección oficial para sus escuelas particulares,” 138; Denuncia de Manuel Z. Camacho y compartes, 3; Chambi, “Sección Pedagógica,” 3.
105. Fiorenza, Francis, “Redemption,” New Dictionary of Theology, Komonchak, Joseph, et al. , eds. (Goldenbridge [Dublin]: Gill and Macmillan, 1987), 836–851Google Scholar; Quentin Quesnell, “Grace,” New Dictionary of Theology, 437–450; Carl J. Peter, “Justification,” New Dictionary of Theology, 553–555, and “Regeneration,” New Dictionary of Theology, 851. On the meanings and social functions of regeneration in the United States, see Slotkin, Richard, The Mythology of the American Frontier, 1600–1860 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2000)Google Scholar; Foubert, John, et al. , “Explaining the Wind: How Self-Identified Born-Again Christians Define What Born Again Means to Them,” Journal of Psychology and Christianity 31:3 (2012): 215–222Google Scholar.
106. Carta de Manuel Camacho, 138; Denuncia de Manuel Z. Camacho y compartes, 3.
107. Queja de Pedro, Santiago y Juan de Dios Quispe y otros al Obispo de Puno,” 3 de abril 1920, Archivo Obispado de Puno, 3.
108. Galindo, Alberto Flores, In Search of an Inca: Identity and Utopia in the Andes (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 5Google Scholar. Burga's notion of an Andean utopia differs from Galindo's, particularly in its perspective: While Galindo focuses mostly on elites, Burga concentrates on popular versions of the Andean utopia. Manuel Burga, Nacimiento de una utopía. Muerte y resurrección de los incas, Prefacio, 16, http://sisbib.unmsm.edu.pe/bibvirtual/libros/2006/nacimien_utop/contenido.htm, accessed January 25, 2020.
109. Queja de Pedro, Santiago y Juan de Dios Quispe y otros al Obispo de Puno.
110. Álvarez-Calderón, “Pilgrimages through Mountains.”
111. Ferdinand Stahl was not the only Adventist missionary to live in an Indian home, Clinton Achenbach would do the same in latter years when he was sent to open a new mission station in the peninsula. See Elder and Mrs. Achenbach, C. V., “New Central Mission Station Opened in Lake Titicaca Region,” Field Tiding 8:34 (November 1, 1916): 2Google Scholar.
112. E. L. Maxwell to W. A. Spicer, June 15, 1916, GCA, Incoming Letters-Maxwell, location 3286, RG 21.
113. See for example E. H. Wilcox to J. L. Shaw, August 31 1920, GCA, Incoming Letters, location 3330, RG 21; and Wilcox, In Perils Oft, 61–63.
114. On the institution of compadrazgo in the Andes, see Ossio, Juan, “Cultural Continuity, Structure and Context: Some Peculiarities of the Andean Compadrazgo,” Kinship Ideology and Practice in Latin America, Smith, Raymond, ed. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1984)Google Scholar; and Gascón, Jorge, “Compadrazgo y cambio en el Altiplano peruano,” Revista Española de Antropología Americana 35 (June 2005): 191–206Google Scholar.
115. Platería, 12. Luciano Chambi joined Manuel Camacho and Ferdinand Stahl as a young boy. He received a relatively extensive education for an Aymara Indian at the time. His sons went on to study in institutions of higher education and became prominent members of the Peruvian Adventist community. It should be noted that Chambi was called to serve in the military, but it is not known if he was in fact recruited.
116. See for example Gotkowitz, Laura, A Revolution for Our Rights: Indigenous Struggle for Land and Justice in Bolivia, 1880–1952 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2007), 49–51Google Scholar.
117. Calderón, “Pilgrimages through Mountains,” 136.
118. Calderón, “Pilgrimages through Mountains,” 114.
119. Juan Huanca, Mateo Urbina, and Luciano Chambi are examples of local Aymara-speaking Indians who ascended the Seventh-day Adventist hierarchy. The Chambi family, in particular, became prominent Adventists, filling positions in the Puno church and then using the church's transnational networks to immigrate to the United States.
120. De la Cadena has developed the idea of the “Indigenous mestizo” in her book Indigenous Mestizos: The Politics of Race and Culture in Cuzco, Peru, 1919–1991.