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Veterans of Christ: Soldier Reintegration and the Seventh-day Adventist Experience in the Andean Plateau, 1900–1925
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 April 2020
Abstract
This article recounts the story of the Seventh-day Adventists’ success in Puno, Peru, between 1900 and 1925, from a grassroots perspective. Retracing the footsteps of prominent indigenous converts, the article presents the discovery that most of the church's native leaders were army veterans. These men had spent years away from their communities and, upon their return, discovered the numerous challenges of reintegration into rural society. In almost every aspect of communal life, veterans encountered obstacles to their reintegration: their lands had been usurped, they lacked the necessary social and political outreach, and they were ridiculed and marginalized because of the cultural—apparently mestizo—habits and practices they had adopted while away. In their quest for alternatives, these veterans left the Catholic Church and converted to Seventh-day Adventism. Conversion, I argue, offered an answer to the difficulties of their reintegration. It provided new opportunities for social and economic mobility and possibilities for veterans to reinterpret their Indian racial identity in a way that would include the seemingly mestizo traits they had adopted while in the barracks and on the coast. Thus, this paper sheds light on how religious conversion served to ameliorate some of the difficulties that veterans faced as they attempted to re-enter rural life.
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- Copyright © The Author(s) 2020. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Academy of American Franciscan History
Footnotes
I give special thanks to Prof. Steven Kaplan, Hebrew University, Prof. Erick Langer, Georgetown University, and Prof. Gerardo Leibner, Tel Aviv University and the faculty and students at the Sverdlin Institue for Latin American History and Culture at Tel Aviv University for their valuable comments, support, and encouragement during the PhD research that forms the basis for this article. I have also benefited from the insightful suggestions of two anonymous reviewers for The Americas.
References
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74. Another exception was the “Negro mission,” which formed a part of the Southern Union Conference and was probably an outcome of US segregation laws.
75. See for example the lists of missions, conferences, and unions in the Seventh-Day Adventist yearbooks for 1908, 1915, and 1919, published by the Review & Herald Publishing Association, Takoma Park, MD, http://documents.adventistarchives.org/Yearbooks/Forms/AllItems.aspx, accessed January 24, 2020.
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78. According to one letter, local authorities had been harassing Camacho before the missionaries arrived. See Manuel Camacho al Presidente de la República, “Impetran protección oficial para sus escuelas particulares,” in Wilfredo Kapsoli, El pensamiento de la Asociación Pro Indígena (Cusco: Centro Bartolomé de Las Casas, 1980), 138.
79. Initially, the Adventists were unsuccessful in Bolivia, and their missionary efforts yielded few converts. The situation changed in the 1920s when local Aymara leaders, among them Santos Marka T'ula and Gregorio Titiriku, contacted the church and asked for its help in establishing rural schools for Indian children. See Taller de Historia Oral Andina (THOA), “The Indian Santos Marka T'ula, Chief of the ayllus of Qallapa and General Representative of the Indian Communities of Bolivia,” History Workshop Journal 34 (October 1992): 116; and Waskar Ari-Chachaki, “Between Indian Law and Qullasuyu Nationalism: Gregorio Titiriku and the Making of AMP Indigenous Activists, 1921–1964,” Bolivian Studies Journal 15–17 (2008–2010): 100.
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96. It is very difficult to find sources on indigenous women converts, especially for the very early years of the mission. The most obvious reason for this has to do with literacy. When Manuel Camacho opened his school about 1900, all of his students were men. This situation appears to have lasted until around 1915, four years after Ferdinand Stahl officially established the mission, when Ana Stahl began to pay attention to women. Second, patriarchal conceptions often prevented even literate women from making official statements and signing documents. Dealing with authorities, including Adventist Church authorities, was considered a male domain. Thus, for example, only a few women signed the 1920 petition to the Adventist Church headquarters requesting that Ferdinand Stahl remain in Titicaca. It appears that these women were widows or not yet married. Third, missionaries took relatively little interest in native women, and their wives, who are often an important source for scholars studying these topics, published relatively little on the topic in Adventist newspapers and magazines.
97. Field-Colburn, Gussie, “Aymara Indian Girls,” Youth Instructor 70:12 (March 21 1922): 4Google Scholar. Gussie Field-Colburn arrived with her husband H. M Colburn in Puno around 1920. There, they served as missionaries among the Aymara for several years.
98. On the relationship between female missionaries and the native women they met in the field, see Patessio, Mara, “Western Women Missionaries and their Japanese Female Charges, 1870–1890,” Women's History Review 16:1 (2007): 59–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Grimshaw, Patricia, Paths of Duty: American Missionary Wives in Nineteenth-Century Hawaii (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1989)Google Scholar; and Rowbotham, Judith, “‘Hear an Indian Sister's Plea’: Reporting the Work of Nineteenth-Century British Female Missionaries,” Women's Studies International Forum 21:3 (May 1998): 247–261CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
99. de la Cadena, Marisol, “‘Women are More Indian’: Ethnicity and Gender in a Community near Cuzco,” in Ethnicity, Markets, and Migration in the Andes, Larson, and Harris, , eds. (Durham: Duke University Press, 1995), 332–333Google Scholar. To put it in another light, the ideological justifications of patriarchy were embedded in women's racial inferiority. The opposite is also true, as the subordination of Indians and rural communities was often justified through their feminine qualities.
100. De la Cadena, “Women are More Indian,” 343.
101. Field-Colburn, “Aymara Indian Girls,” 4. Colburn also briefly mentions the issue of women's literacy here: Field-Colburn, Gussie, “Indian Courting,” Youth Instructor 72:5 (January 29 1924): 10Google Scholar.
102. Elder and Mrs. Achenbach, “New Central Mission Station,” Field Tiding 8:34 (November 1 1916): 2.
103. Orlove, Benjamin, “Down to Earth: Race and Substance in the Andes,” Bulletin of Latin American Research 17:2 (May 1998): 207–222CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
104. Manuel Camacho to Presidente de la República, “Impetran protección oficial para sus escuelas particulares,” 138; Denuncia de Manuel Z. Camacho y compartes, 3; Chambi, “Sección Pedagógica,” 3.
105. Fiorenza, Francis, “Redemption,” New Dictionary of Theology, Komonchak, Joseph, et al. , eds. (Goldenbridge [Dublin]: Gill and Macmillan, 1987), 836–851Google Scholar; Quentin Quesnell, “Grace,” New Dictionary of Theology, 437–450; Carl J. Peter, “Justification,” New Dictionary of Theology, 553–555, and “Regeneration,” New Dictionary of Theology, 851. On the meanings and social functions of regeneration in the United States, see Slotkin, Richard, The Mythology of the American Frontier, 1600–1860 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2000)Google Scholar; Foubert, John, et al. , “Explaining the Wind: How Self-Identified Born-Again Christians Define What Born Again Means to Them,” Journal of Psychology and Christianity 31:3 (2012): 215–222Google Scholar.
106. Carta de Manuel Camacho, 138; Denuncia de Manuel Z. Camacho y compartes, 3.
107. Queja de Pedro, Santiago y Juan de Dios Quispe y otros al Obispo de Puno,” 3 de abril 1920, Archivo Obispado de Puno, 3.
108. Galindo, Alberto Flores, In Search of an Inca: Identity and Utopia in the Andes (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 5Google Scholar. Burga's notion of an Andean utopia differs from Galindo's, particularly in its perspective: While Galindo focuses mostly on elites, Burga concentrates on popular versions of the Andean utopia. Manuel Burga, Nacimiento de una utopía. Muerte y resurrección de los incas, Prefacio, 16, http://sisbib.unmsm.edu.pe/bibvirtual/libros/2006/nacimien_utop/contenido.htm, accessed January 25, 2020.
109. Queja de Pedro, Santiago y Juan de Dios Quispe y otros al Obispo de Puno.
110. Álvarez-Calderón, “Pilgrimages through Mountains.”
111. Ferdinand Stahl was not the only Adventist missionary to live in an Indian home, Clinton Achenbach would do the same in latter years when he was sent to open a new mission station in the peninsula. See Elder and Mrs. Achenbach, C. V., “New Central Mission Station Opened in Lake Titicaca Region,” Field Tiding 8:34 (November 1, 1916): 2Google Scholar.
112. E. L. Maxwell to W. A. Spicer, June 15, 1916, GCA, Incoming Letters-Maxwell, location 3286, RG 21.
113. See for example E. H. Wilcox to J. L. Shaw, August 31 1920, GCA, Incoming Letters, location 3330, RG 21; and Wilcox, In Perils Oft, 61–63.
114. On the institution of compadrazgo in the Andes, see Ossio, Juan, “Cultural Continuity, Structure and Context: Some Peculiarities of the Andean Compadrazgo,” Kinship Ideology and Practice in Latin America, Smith, Raymond, ed. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1984)Google Scholar; and Gascón, Jorge, “Compadrazgo y cambio en el Altiplano peruano,” Revista Española de Antropología Americana 35 (June 2005): 191–206Google Scholar.
115. Platería, 12. Luciano Chambi joined Manuel Camacho and Ferdinand Stahl as a young boy. He received a relatively extensive education for an Aymara Indian at the time. His sons went on to study in institutions of higher education and became prominent members of the Peruvian Adventist community. It should be noted that Chambi was called to serve in the military, but it is not known if he was in fact recruited.
116. See for example Gotkowitz, Laura, A Revolution for Our Rights: Indigenous Struggle for Land and Justice in Bolivia, 1880–1952 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2007), 49–51Google Scholar.
117. Calderón, “Pilgrimages through Mountains,” 136.
118. Calderón, “Pilgrimages through Mountains,” 114.
119. Juan Huanca, Mateo Urbina, and Luciano Chambi are examples of local Aymara-speaking Indians who ascended the Seventh-day Adventist hierarchy. The Chambi family, in particular, became prominent Adventists, filling positions in the Puno church and then using the church's transnational networks to immigrate to the United States.
120. De la Cadena has developed the idea of the “Indigenous mestizo” in her book Indigenous Mestizos: The Politics of Race and Culture in Cuzco, Peru, 1919–1991.