Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-8bhkd Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-20T01:33:40.577Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

The “Government of the Sertões and Indians”

Aguardente, Sugar, and Indians in Colonial Amazonia (Seventeenth Century)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 January 2020

Rafael Chambouleyron Open the ORCID record for Rafael Chambouleyron [Opens in a new window]
Rafael Chambouleyron*
Affiliation:
Universidade Federal do Pará Belém, Pará, [email protected]
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

This article discusses the role played by the production of sugar and cane liquor (aguardente) in the seventeenth and early eighteenth-century Amazon region. It shows how the development of sugar production had a double significance: sugar plantations had to produce a commodity that could be exported so as to generate revenues for the Royal Treasury, but they also had to produce aguardente for domestic consumption (including by those Indians who worked for the Portuguese). This domestic production provoked distrust on the part of the Crown, since it was believed to threaten sugar production overall. Nevertheless, aguardente production became a central element in the Portuguese dominion of the sertões (or sertão, the hinterland), while continuing to increase the revenues of the royal treasury.

Keywords

Colonial Amazoniasugarcane liquorIndiansSeventeenth Century
Type
Article
Information
The Americas , Volume 77 , Issue 1 , January 2020 , pp. 3 - 39
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 2020

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Research for this article was made possible by support from the Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) and the Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES). The author wishes to thank the editorial board of The Americas, the anonymous readers of The Americas, Heather Flynn Roller, Pablo Ibáñez Bonillo, and especially Barbara Sommer for their comments and corrections.

1. In the 17th century the State of Maranhão was divided into two main captaincies: Pará and Maranhão.

2. João de Moura, “Descripção historica, e política do Estado do Maranhaõ,” 1684, Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, Reservados, Codex 585, fol. VII. There is almost no information concerning João de Moura. He appears in other documents as having written a second paper called “Parecer sobre se augmentar o Estado do Maranham fazendo-se assento para negros de Cabo Verde” (Consultation concerning the growth of the State of Maranhão, by the settlement of a slave contract from Cape Verde), which he presented at court, possibly in the 1690s. In 1692, the king ordered the Overseas Council to analyze a “paper” written by João de Moura (there is no reference to its title), as well as another piece of writing by the governor of Maranhão. According to the council, both documents were related to the shipment of slaves to the State of Maranhão, an indication that the text could be the one presented by João de Moura concerning the contract of Cape Verde. See Papel feyto por Joaõ de Moura sobre se augmentar o Estado do Maranhaõ e Pará, [1690s], Biblioteca da Ajuda [hereafter BA], Codex 54-XIII-4, no. 42c; and Overseas Council to D. Pedro II, January 10, 1693. Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino [hereafter AHU], Maranhão-Avulsos, Caixa 8, Doc. 858.

3. For a recent discussion on the conquest of the Amazon region, see Marques, Guida, “Entre deux empires: le Maranhão dans l'Union Ibérique,” Nuevo Mundo, Mundos Nuevos (2010), doi: 10.4000/nuevomundo.59333CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cardoso, Alírio Carvalho, Amazônia na Monarquia Hispânica: Maranhão e Grão-Pará nos tempos da União Ibérica (1580–1655) (São Paulo: Alameda, 2017)Google Scholar; and Helidacy Maria Muniz Corrêa, “Para aumento da Conquista e Bom Governo dos Moradores: o papel da câmara de São Luís a conquista, defesa e organização do território (1615–1668)” (PhD diss.: Universidade Federal Fluminense, 2011).

4. The bark of the tree Dicypellium caryophyllatum (Mart.) Nees has a smell and taste similar to the Indian clove.

5. Moura, “Descripção historica, e política do Estado do Maranhaõ,” fols. 14v–16v, 19–20v, 21v–22.

6. For a general approach, see Serrão, José Vicente, “O pensamento agrário setecentista (pré-‘fisiocrático’): diagnósticos e soluções propostas,” in Contribuições para a história do pensamento económico em Portugal, José Luis Cardoso, ed. (Lisbon: Dom Quixote, 1988), 25–50Google Scholar. One has to stress that agriculture was widely practiced by many Indian groups well before the arrival of the Europeans to the region. See Neves, Eduardo Góes, “Os índios antes de Cabral: arqueologia e história indígena no Brasil,” in A temática indígena na escola: novos subsídios para professores de 1° e 2° graus, da Silva, Aracy Lopes, Grupioni, Luís Donisete Benzi, eds. (Brasília: MEC/MARI/UNESCO, 1995), 182–188Google Scholar; Neves, Eduardo Góes, Arqueologia da Amazônia (Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar Editor, 2006), 48–77Google Scholar; and Schaan, Denise Pahl, “A Amazônia em 1491,” Especiaria. Cadernos de Ciências Humanas 11/12 (2008–2009): 55–82Google Scholar.

7. See Vitorino Magalhães Godinho, “Portugal and Her Empire, 1680–1720,” in The New Cambridge Modern History, J. S. Bromley, ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), 4:509–539; Carl A. Hanson, Economy and Society in Baroque Portugal (1668–1703) (London: Palgrave Macmillan 1981), 207–259; Nuno Gonçalo Freitas Monteiro, “A consolidação da dinastia de Bragança e o apogeu do Portugal barroco: centros de poder e trajetórias sociais (1668–1750),” in História de Portugal, José Tengarrinha, ed. (Bauru/São Paulo/Lisboa: EdUSC/EdUNESP/Instituto Camões, 2000), 127–148; Rafael Chambouleyron, Povoamento, ocupação e agricultura na Amazônia colonial (1640–1706) (Belém: Açaí, 2010); Antonio Filipe Pereira Caetano, “‘Para aumentar e conservar aquelas partes … ’: conflitos dos projetos luso-americanos para uma conquista colonial (Estado do Maranhão e Grão-Pará, séculos XVII-XVIII),” Revista Estudos Amazônicos 6:1 (2011): 2–20; and Karl Heinz Arenz and Frederik Luiz Andrade de Matos, “‘Informação do Estado do Maranhão’: uma relação sobre a Amazônia portuguesa no fim do século XVII,” Revista do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro 175 (2014): 352–354.

8. For a classical approach, see Caio Prado Júnior, História econômica do Brasil, 35th ed. (São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1987), 69–70; Celso Furtado, Formação econômica do Brasil, 22nd ed. (São Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1987), 66–67; Roberto Simonsen, História econômica do Brasil, 8th ed. (São Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1978), 110–147; Nelson Werneck Sodré, Formação histórica do Brasil, 3rd ed. (São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1964), 128–129; and Arthur Cezar Ferreira Reis, A política de Portugal no vale amazônico, 2nd ed. (Belém: Secult, 1993), 91–96. See also Sue Gross, “Agricultural Promotion in the Amazon Basin, 1700–1750,” Agricultural History 43:2 (1969): 270; Colin MacLachlan, “African Slave Trade and Economic Development in Amazonia, 1700–1800,” in Slavery and Race Relations in Latin America, Robert Brent Toplin, ed. (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1974), 115–118; Prado Júnior, História econômica do Brasil, 69; Maria Regina Celestino de Almeida, “Trabalho compulsório na Amazônia: séculos XVII-XVIII,” Revista Arrabaldes 1:2 (1988): 103–105; Vicente Salles, O negro no Pará: sob o regime da escravidão, 2nd ed. (Brasília/Belém: MinC/Secult, 1998), 4–5; and Francisco de Assis Costa, Ecologismo e questão agrária na Amazônia (Belém: EdUFPA, 1992).

9. Sanjay Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese Empire in Asia, 1500–1700: A Political and Economic History, 2nd ed. (Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012), 153–189.

10. Nikita Harwich, “Le chocolat et son imaginaire, XVIème-XVIIIème siècles: le monde américain dans une tasse,” Jahrbuch für Geschichte von Staat, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Lateinamerikas 32 (1995): 261–293; Marcy Norton, “Tasting Empire: Chocolate and the European Internalization of Mesoamerican Aesthetics,” American Historical Review 111:3 (2006): 660–691; William G. Clarence-Smith, Cocoa and Chocolate, 1765–1914 (London: Routledge, 2000), 11–20; Irene Fattacciu, “Atlantic History and Spanish Consumer Goods in the 18th Century: The Assimilation of Exotic Drinks and the Fragmentation of European Identities,” Nouveaux mondes, mondes nouveaux (2012), www.nuevomundo.revues.org/63480, accessed September 4, 2019.

11. Serafim Leite, SJ, História da Companhia de Jesus no Brasil (Lisbon/Rio de Janeiro: Portugália/INL, 1943), 4:158–161; Frédéric Mauro, Le Portugal et l'Atlantique au XVIIe siècle, 1570–1670. Étude économique (Paris: SEVPEN, 1960), 370; Dauril Alden, “The Significance of Cacao Production in the Amazon Region during the Late Colonial Period: An Essay in Comparative Economic History,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 120:2 (1976): 103–135; Alden, The Making of an Enterprise: The Society of Jesus in Portugal, Its Empire, and Beyond, 1540–1750 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 546–547; Timothy Walker, “Slave Labor and Chocolate in Brazil: The Culture of Cacao Plantations in Amazonia and Bahia (17th-19th Centuries),” Food & Foodways 15 (2007): 85–89; Karl Heinz Arenz, De l'Alzette à l'Amazone. Jean-Philippe Bettendorff et les jésuites en Amazonie portugaise (1661–1693) (Saarbrücken: Éditions Universitaires Européennes, 2010), 338–341; Rafael Chambouleyron, “Como se hace en Indias de Castilla. El cacao entre la Amazonía portuguesa y las Indias de Castilla (siglos XVII y XVIII),” Revista Complutense de Historia de América 40 (2014): 23–43

12. Rafael Chambouleyron, “Cacao, Bark-Clove and Agriculture in the Portuguese Amazon Region in the Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Century,” Luso-Brazilian Review 51:1 (2014): 1–35; Alírio Cardoso, “Spices in [the] Portuguese Amazon Region: Vegetable Retail and Atlantic Trade in the End of the Spanish Monarchy,” Tempo 21 (2015): 116–133.

13. Aguardente is the product of sugarcane distillation from fresh juice cane, or a byproduct derived from the sugar fabrication process. In this article we will keep the original Portuguese word. The terms cachaça and jeribita are also related to the production of fermented and distilled beverages from sugarcane, associated with or independent of the sugar fabrication process. The documents produced in or about the Amazon region, however, mention only the term aguardente, which will be used here. For a classical approach on these terms, see Luís da Câmara Cascudo, Prelúdio da cachaça: etnologia, história e sociologia da aguardente no Brasil (1968), (Belo Horizonte: Itatiaia, 1986), 13–32. See also Luciano Figueiredo and Renato Pinto Venâncio, “Aguas ardentes: o nascimento da cachaça,” in Cachaça: alquimia brasileira, Luciano Figueiredo and Heloisa Faria, eds. (Rio de Janeiro: 19 Design, 2006), 16–57.

14. One of the very few systematic studies on sugar production in seventeenth-century Amazonia is that written by Ernesto Cruz. However, he presents the region (the Captaincy of Pará) and its production in a way that shows them comparable to the traditional sugar captaincies (Bahia and Pernambuco), and even asserts the existence of a “sugar cycle” in Pará, a perception far from historical reality. The sugar industry in the Amazon region, at least for the period of this paper, was far from being so productive and systematic. See Ernesto Cruz, História do Pará (Belém: Universidade do Pará, 1963), 1:77–125. See also Manuel Barata, A antiga producção e exportação do Pará. Estudo historico-economico (Belém: Typ. da Livraria Gillet, 1915), 21–26; and Jerônimo de Viveiros, História do comércio do Maranhão, 1612–1895 (São Luís: Associação Comercial do Maranhão, 1954), 1:33–36.

15. Overseas Council to Dom João IV, January 29, 1646, AHU, Maranhão, Caixa 2, Doc. 189.

16. P.a os m.es do Estado do Maranhaõ pagarem a metade dos dizimos dos asucares por tempo de oito annos, February 20, 1646, AHU, Codex 92, fol. 57v. Unfortunately, the first provision granting the five-year exemption could not be found. Further, it seems that in 1650 this order was no longer valid. A royal letter refers to the fact that tobacco should be subject to full tithes, the same as sugar and the “products of the land.” Nevertheless, no confirmation or issue of this order could be found. Para o mesmo gov.or Sobre a imposiçaõ dos v.os e dr.tos dos escravos, e tabaco, October 26, 1650, AHU, Codex 275, fols. 176v–177.

17. Os senhores de engenho do Maranhaõ. Que naõ sejaõ obrigados a servir na Camera emq.to SMg.de naõ ordenar o contrario com fundamento da assistencia que fazem aos engenhos, April 21, 1688, AHU, Codex 94, fol. 34v.

18. Os senhores de engenho do Maranhaõ. Açerca de naõ serem executados nas fabricas de seus engenhos por tempo de seis annos, April 21, 1688, AHU, Codex 94, fols. 34–34v.

19. Some years later, on the occasion of the death of an important sugar mill owner of the Itapecuru River (in the Captaincy of Maranhão), the former governor of the State, Gomes Freire de Andrade, suggested that the king should reinstate this privilege. Overseas Council to Dom Pedro II, January 8, 1697, AHU, Maranhão, Caixa 9, Doc. 933. See also Para o gov.or e cap.m g.al do Est.o do Maranhaõ. S.e o bem q. obrou em mandar pagar aos herdeiros de Joaõ de Souza Soleima os 18 escravos q. deixou que se dessem a hũs seus parentes, February 15, 1697, AHU, Codex 268, fol. 125v. In 1687, Freire de Andrade had warned the Crown that the senhores de engenho had had their privileges disrespected, being compelled to serve in the councils, and being judicially seized of their properties. Junta do Maranhão to Dom Pedro II, November 15, 1687, AHU, Maranhão, Caixa 7, Doc. 783.

20. Francisco Barradas de Mendonça to Dom João IV, Belém, March 4, 1648, AHU, Pará, Caixa 1, Doc. 72.

21. Overseas Council to Dom Pedro II, August 19, 1675, AHU, Pará, Caixa 2, Doc. 164; M.el de Moraes. Que possa gozar dos des annos de liberdade do engenho, December 5, 1675, AHU, Codex 93, fol. 122v. Similar orders were issued to other sugar mill owners. See D.os Monteiro m.or na capitania do Para. Que possa gozar da liberdade de dez annos, September 26, 1676, AHU, Codex 93, fols. 143–143v; and Diogo Froes de Britto morador no Maranhaõ pede se lhe passe Provizaõ pera que nem elle supp.te nem os lavradores do seu engenho sejaõ executados na fabrica do dito emgenho nem com os escravos que saõ mandados ao cravo e cacao ao Çertaõ, August 2, 1686, AHU, Codex 49, fols. 243v–244.

22. See Dauril Alden, “Indian versus Black Slavery in the State of Maranhão during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth centuries,” Bibliotheca Americana 1:3 (1984): 91–142; and Rafael Chambouleyron, “Suspiros por um escravo de Angola. Discursos sobre a mão-de-obra africana na Amazônia seiscentista,” Humanitas 20:1–2 (2004): 99–111.

23. Antonio Vieira, SJ, À câmara do Pará, Pará, February 12, 1661, Cartas (Lisbon: INCM, 1997), 1:558.

24. Sobre o Maranhaõ e Parà e cativ.ro dos Indios e forma de os haver cõ augmento do Estado, Lisbon, November 3, 1679, BA, Codex 50-V-37, fol. 397.

25. Concerning the role played by the Church in this process, see Ronaldo Vainfas, Ideologia e escravidão. Os letrados e a sociedade escravista do Brasil colonial (Petrópolis: Vozes, 1986).

26. Sobre o que pedem os moradores e offiçiaes da Camara do Maranhaõ em resaõ de naõ pagarem direitos os escravos q. se levaram aquelle Estado, July 17, 1673, AHU, Codex 47, fols. 280–280v.

27. Stuart Schwartz, Sugar Plantations in the Formation of Brazilian Society, Bahia, 1550–1835 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 71.

28. David Graham Sweet, “A Rich Realm of Nature Destroyed: The Middle Amazon Valley, 1640–1750” (PhD diss.: University of Wisconsin, 1974), 79.

29. Overseas Council to Dom Pedro II, November 26, 1696, AHU, Maranhão, Cx 9, Doc. 925.

30. The letter written by Antonio de Albuquerque Coelho de Carvalho in June 21, 1693, is in Overseas Council to Dom Pedro II, November 16, 1693, AHU, Maranhão, Caixa 8, Doc. 869. See Rafael Chambouleyron, “Escravos do Atlântico Equatorial: tráfico negreiro para o Estado do Maranhão e Pará (século XVII e início do século XVIII),” Revista Brasileira de História 26:52 (2006): 79–114; Daniel B. Domingues da Silva, “The Atlantic Slave Trade to Maranhão, 1680–1846: Volume, Routes and Organisation,” Slavery & Abolition 29:4 (2008): 477–501; and Walter Hawthorne. From Africa to Brazil. Culture, Identity, and An Atlantic Slave Trade, 1600–1830 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010).

31. Para os officiaes da Camara do Pará. Sobre o preço dos escravos e se repartirem pelos senhores de engenhos assim a repartição no Maranhão como no Pará, December 10, 1695, Anais da Biblioteca Nacional do Rio de Janeiro [hereafter ABNRJ] 66 (1948): 155–156.

32. Para o prov.or da Fazenda do Maranhaõ. S.e os cento e des escravos q. levou aquele o capitaõ Diogo da Costa e presso porq. se venderaõ, November 13, 1702, AHU, Codex 268, fols. 177v–178.

33. “Para o governador geral do Maranhão. Sobre os escravos de Guiné dos moradores desse Estado terem obrigação de levarem cana aos engenhos,” September 10, 1699, ABNRJ 66 (1948): 190.

34. With regard to the seventeenth century, see Mathias Kiemen, The Indian Policy of Portugal in the Amazon Region, 1614–1693 (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1954); Sweet, “A Rich Realm of Nature Destroyed,” 113–186; Dauril Alden, “El indio desechable en el Estado de Maranhão durante los siglos XVII y XVIII,” América Indígena 45:2 (1985): 427–446; John M. Monteiro. “O escravo índio, esse desconhecido,” in Índios no Brasil, Luís Donisete Benzi Grupioni, ed. (São Paulo: Secretaria Municipal de Cultura, 1992), 105–120; John M. Monteiro, “Escravidão indígena e despovoamento na América portuguesa: S. Paulo e Maranhão,” in Brasil nas vésperas do mundo moderno, Jill Dias, ed. (Lisbon: Comissão Nacional para as Comemorações dos Descobrimentos Portugueses [hereafter CNCDP], 1992), 137–167; André da Silva Lima, “A guerra pelas almas. Alianças, recrutamentos e escravidão indígena (do Maranhão ao Cabo do Norte, 1615–1647)” (Master's dissertation:, Universidade Federal do Pará, 2006); Karl Heinz Arenz, “De l'Alzette à l'Amazone: Jean-Philippe Bettendorff et les jésuites en Amazonie portugaise (1661–1693)” (PhD diss.: Université de Paris, 2007); Décio de Alencar Guzmán, “A colonização nas Amazônias: guerras, comércio e escravidão nos séculos XVII e XVIII,” Revista Estudos Amazônicos 3:2 (2008), 103–139; Márcia Eliane Alves da Silva Mello, Fé e império: as juntas das missões nas conquistas portuguesas (Manaus: EdUA, 2009), 243–317; Camila Loureiro Dias, “Civilidade, cultura e comércio: os princípios fundamentais da política indigenista na Amazônia (1614–1757)” (Master's dissertation:, Universidade de São Paulo, 2009), 87–127; Fernanda Aires Bombardi, “Pelos interstícios do olhar do colonizador: descimentos de índios no Estado do Maranhão e Grão-Pará (1680–1750)” (Master's dissertation: Universidade de São Paulo, 2014); Camila Loureiro Dias, “L'Amazonie avant Pombal. Politique, economie, territoire” (PhD diss.: École des hautes études en sciences sociales, 2014), 129–178, 209–278; Rafael Chambouleyron, “Indian Freedom and Indian Slavery in the Portuguese Amazon,” in Building the Atlantic Empires: Unfree Labor and Imperial States in the Political Economy of Capitalism, ca. 1500–1914, John Donoghue and Evelyn P. Jennings, eds. (Leiden: Brill, 2016), 54–71; and Márcio Augusto Freitas de Meira, A persistência do aviamento: colonialismo e história indígena no noroeste amazônico (São Carlos, SP: EdUFSCar, 2018), 259–318.

35. Gomes Freire de Andrade to Dom Pedro II, São Luís, October 15, 1685, AHU, Maranhão, Caixa 6, Doc. 726.

36. “Para o governador do Maranhão. Sobre os indios que se mandão dar a Manoel de Moraés,” November 21, 1691, ABNRJ 66 (1948): 129. Moraés's lands were granted in 1675. Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo [hereafter ANTT], Chancelarias Régias, Dom Afonso VI, Livro 18, fols. 158–158v.

37. “Para o governador do Maranhão. Sobre se conceder a Jose da Cunha d'Eça faculdade para decer sessenta cazais de gentio forro das brenhas e centro dos matos junto ao seu engenho real de assucar,” April 17, 1702, ABNRJ 66 (1948): 217. In 1718, he received a land grant confirming his lands and engenho. See ANTT, Chancelarias Régias, Dom João V, Livro 125, fols. 167v–168v. See also the cases of Pedro Paulo da Silva, Hilário de Morais Bitencourt, and José Sanches de Brito: “Para o governador geral do Maranhão. Sobre os cento e vinte indios que pede Pedro Paulo da Silva para o seu engenho de assucar, se lhe diz faça a repartiçam delles conforme as leis estabelecidas,” November 16, 1700, ABNRJ 66 (1948): 199–200; and “Para o governador geral do Maranhão. Sobre se conceder licença a Hilario de Moraes Bittancourt para decer cincoenta indios digo cincoenta cazaes de indios a sua custa,” February 16, 1703, ABNRJ 66 (1948): 242–243. In 1712, Morais Bitencourt received more lands for the cultivation of sugarcane for his engenho. ANTT, Chancelarias Régias, Dom João V, Livro 125, fols. 39 and fols. 153v–154v; and “Para o governador geral do Estado do Maranhão. Sobre se conceder a Jose Sanches de Brito poder regatar do certão outenta escravos a sua custa pelas mesmas escoltas que os vão resgatar para o mais povo,” March 4, 1706, ABNRJ 66 (1948): 277.

38. Sobre se conçeder administrações de Aldeas livres de gentios aos moradores do Estado do Maranhaõ q. elle baixarem com as condições q. esta provizaõ declara, September 2, 1684, AHU, Codex 93, fols. 377–378. Concerning this law and its effects, see Bombardi, “Pelos interstícios do olhar do colonizador.”

39. See Camila Loureiro Dias and Fernanda Aires Bombardi, “O que dizem as licenças? Flexibilização da legislação e recrutamento particular de trabalhadores indígenas no Estado do Maranhão (1680–1755),” Revista de História 175 (2016): 249–280.

40. “Alvará em forma de ley expedido pelo secretario de Estado que deroga as demais leys que se hão passado sobre os indios do Maranhão,” April 28, 1688, ABNRJ 66 (1948): 97–101.

41. S.res off.es do senado da Cam.ra da Cid.e de S. Luiz, Belém May, 1689. Arquivo Público do Estado do Maranhão [hereafter APEM], Correspondências Recebidas, Livro 66, fols. 15v–16.

42. [Revenues from the selling of Indian slaves], APEM, Receitas e Despesas, Livro 26, fols. 2–9.

43. Sobre o papel feito em nome dos moradores do Estado do Maranhaõ, February 21, 1699, AHU, Codex 274, fol. 132v.

44. Para o gov.or do Est.o do Maranhaõ. S.e a nececidade que há de mestres de engenhos de asucar, March 16, 1699, AHU, Codex 268, fol. 143v. This issue was debated again in 1706: P.a o capitaõ mor do Maranhaõ. S.e o q. obrou aserca de se levantarem e reedificarem naquella capitania os engenhos de asucar q. por falta de m.es estavaõ suspenços, May 6, 1706, AHU, Codex 268, fol. 215.

45. João Daniel, SJ, Tesouro descoberto no máximo rio Amazonas (Rio de Janeiro: Contraponto, 2004), 2:37–43. Concerning the lands of Ibirajuba, see Raimundo Moreira das Neves Neto, Um patrimônio em contendas: os bens jesuíticos e a magna questão dos dízimos no Estado do Maranhão e Grão-Pará (1650–1750) (Jundiaí, SP: Paco Editorial, 2013), 55–61. According to a Jesuit inventory prepared in 1760 (at the time of the fathers’ expulsion), the Ibirajuba sugar mill was 60 by 60 palmos (hands), with an old mill, a house with four stills (casa de alambiques), and a purging house (casa de purgar) 60 by 80 palmos in size. Lista do q. tinha o Coll.o do Parà na Fazd.a de Hybyrajuba a 18 de junho de 1760, Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Bras. 28, fols. 19–20. For a detailed description of sugar production, based on the Jesuits’ estates in Bahia, see the early eighteenth-century treatise written by the Jesuit father André João Antonil (Antonio João Andreoni): Cultura e opulencia do Brazil, por suas drogas e minas (Lisbon: Na Officina Real Deslandesiana, 1711), 46–94.

46. Bettendorf, Crônica da missão dos padres da Companhia de Jesus no Maranhão [1698], 68, 216, 588; Aires de Souza Chichorro, October 26, 1646, AHU, Codex 92, fols. 81–81v; Ordinance of the royal treasurer and judge of Pará, January 21, 1647, AHU, Pará, Caixa 1, Doc. 64; P.o Maciel Parente, September 22, 1651, AHU, Codex 92 (Provisões), fol. 174; Overseas Council to Dom Pedro II, October 13, 1671, AHU, Pará, Caixa 2, Doc. 145; Pedro César de Meneses to Dom Pedro II, July 20, 1673, AHU, Pará, Caixa 2, Doc. 152; Overseas Council to Dom Pedro II, November 22, 1674, AHU, Maranhão, Caixa 5, Doc. 591; Manoel e Thomas Bequimaõ, February 16, 1672, AHU, Codex 47 (Consulta de partes), fols. 171v–172; Overseas Council to Dom Pedro II, April 9, 1672, AHU, Maranhão, Caixa 5, Doc. 567; Thomas Bequimaõ, 1675, ANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Cadernos do Promotor, Livro 255, fols. 37–55; Dona Genebra de Amorim, December 20, 1676, confirmed by the king on June 21, 1680, ANTT, Chancelarias Régias, Dom Afonso VI, Livro 33, fols. 149–150v; D. Ginebra de Morim, June 21, 1703, ANTT, Chancelarias Régias, Dom Pedro II, Livro 55, fols. 110–111; Maranhaõ. Dona Cn.a da Costa, October 20, 1673, confirmed by the king on November 23, 1697, ANTT, Chancelarias Régias, Dom Pedro II, Livro 42, fols. 21v–22v; Overseas Council to Dom Pedro II, August 19, 1675, AHU, Pará, Caixa 2, Doc. 164; M.el de Moraes, December 5, 1675, AHU, Codex 93, fol. 122v; M.el de Morais, [1674–75], ANTT, Registro Geral de Mercês, Chancelaria de Dom Afonso VI, Livro 18, fols. 158–158v; D.os Monteiro, September 26, 1676, AHU, Codex 93, fols. 143–143v; Overseas Council to Dom Pedro II, October 7, 1682, AHU, Pará, Caixa 3, Doc. 205; Overseas Council to Dom Pedro II, December 23, 1680, AHU, Pará, Caixa 2, Doc. 187; Sesmaria. O ditto, January 15, 1694, confirmed by the king on February 18, 1702, ANTT, Chancelarias Régias, Dom Pedro II, Livro 30, fols. 345–346; Semaria. Joseph de Cunha Deça, November 21, 1697, confirmed by the king on February 18, 1702, ANTT, Chancelarias Régias, Dom Pedro II, Livro 30, fols. 343v–345; “Para o governador do Maranhão, April 17, 1702,” ABNRJ 66 (1948): 217; Diogo Froes de Britto, August 2, 1686, AHU, Codex 49, fols. 243v–244; Matheus feitis.as, 1692, ANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Cadernos do Promotor, Livro 263, fols. 273–273v; Gomes Freire de Andrade to Dom Pedro II, Belém, July 19, 1687, AHU, Pará, Caixa 3, Doc. 263; Overseas Council to Dom Pedro II, November 16, 1693, AHU, Maranhão, Caixa 8, Doc. 869; Overseas Council to Dom Pedro II, February 21, 1699, AHU, Maranhão, Caixa 9, Doc. 977; Overseas Council to Dom Pedro II, January 8, 1697, AHU, Maranhão, Caixa 9, Doc. 933; Para o gov.or e cap.m g.al do Est.o do Maranhaõ, February 15, 1697, AHU, Codex 268, fol. 125v; “Para o governador geral do Maranhão, November 16, 1700,” ABNRJ 66 (1948): 199–200; P.a o provedor da Fazenda do Estado do Maranhaõ, October 23, 1700, AHU, Codex 268, fol. 153; Para o provedor mor do Estado do Maranhaõ, January 15, 1702, AHU, Codex 268, fol. 163; Para o governador do Maranhão, April, 17, 1702, ABNRJ 66 (1948): 217; Joseph Sanches, 1702, ANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Cadernos do Promotor, Livro 273, fols. 292–296v; “Para o governador geral do Maranhão,” February 16, 1703, ABNRJ 66 (1948): 242–243; P.a o g.or e capitaõ geral do Estado do Maranhaõ, April 12, 1703, AHU, Codex 268, fol. 190v; Sesmaria. M.el Aranha Guedez, March 7, 1703, confirmed by the king September 23, 1705, ANTT, Chancelarias Régias, Dom Pedro II, Livro 30, fols. 175v–176v; and Carta de Sesmaria. Joseph Velho de Az.do, November 23, 1702, confirmed by the king on February 9, 1704, ANTT, Chancelarias Régias – Dom Pedro II, Livro 63, fols. 70v–71v.

47. Overseas Council to Dom Pedro II, April 9, 1672. Maranhão, Caixa 5, Doc. 567; Thomas Bequimaõ, 1675, ANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Cadernos do Promotor, Livro 255, fol. 52; Overseas Council to Dom Pedro II, December 23, 1680, AHU, Pará, Caixa 2, Doc. 187; Overseas Council to Dom Pedro II, November 16, 1693, AHU, Maranhão, Caixa 8, Doc. 869; APEM, Receitas e Despesas, Livro 26, fols. 5v–7v, 15, 22–23v.

48. There were two engenhos on the island of São Luís (Captaincy of Maranhão), six in the Captaincy of Tapuitapera, three in the Mearim River (Captaincy of Maranhão), six in the Itapecuru River (Captaincy of Maranhão), three in the Munim River (Captaincy of Maranhão), two in the Captaincy of Gurupi (later Caeté), seven in the region of Belém (Captaincy of Pará); and one in the Captaincy of Cametá. Mauricio de Heriarte, Descripção do Estado do Maranhão, Pará, Corupá e Rio das Amazonas (Vienna: Carlos Gerold, 1874), 10–13, 21, 26. In regard to the particularities of Amazonian engenhos, as related to the specifics of the region's environment, see Fernando Luiz Tavares Marques, “Modelo da agroindústria canavieira colonial no estuário amazônico: estudo arqueológico de engenhos dos séculos XVIII e XIX” (PhD diss.: Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul, 2004). Wilson Amanajás notes the persistence of production and labor techniques from colonial times in modern-day sugar and aguardente engenhos. Wilson Amanajás, “Engenhos de açúcar e de aguardente no Pará,” Brasil Açucareiro, 81:2 (1972): 40.

49. Noticia do Estado do Maranhaõ, [1660s], BA, Codex 51-V-37, fols. 139–139v.

50. The real (plural réis) was the monetary unit of the Portuguese empire.

51. Frédéric Mauro, Le Portugal et l'Atlantique au XVIIe siècle, 229. Only two references to the shipment of sugar could be found for the seventeenth century: Jorge Bretão's ship in 1648, and Manuel Rodrigues’ ship in 1678. See Overseas Council to Dom Afonso VI, November 24, 1656, AHU, Maranhão, Caixa 4, Doc. 398; and Sobre os rollos de tabaco, e caixas de asucar q. por conta da Faz.a real veyo do Pará na charrua Nossa Senhora da Penha de França e São Francisco Xavier, de q. he M.e e Cap.ão M.el Roiz, August 18, 1678, AHU, Açores, Série 1, Caixa 2, Doc. 19.

52. See Vitorino Magalhães Godinho, “Le Portugal, les flottes du sucre et les flottes d'or,” Annales. Économies, Sociétés, Civilisations 5:2 (1950): 184–187; Schwartz, Sugar Plantations, 163–164; and Vera Ferlini, Terra, trabalho e poder: o mundo dos engenhos no Nordeste colonial (Bauru, SP: EdUSC, 2003), 83–133.

53. Mauro, Le Portugal et l'Atlantique au XVIIe siècle, 195–196.

54. Antonil, Cultura e opulencia do Brazil, 96.

55. According to Judge João Antonio da Cruz Diniz Pinheiro, writing in the mid eighteenth century, there existed in the State of Maranhão 37 engenhos, and 120 engenhocas. Relatorio do bacharel João Antonio da Cruz Diniz Pinheiro, in João Lúcio de Azevedo, Os jesuítas no Grão-Pará: suas missões e a colonização (Lisbon: Tavares Cardoso & Irmão, 1901), 345–346.

56. Thomas Bequimaõ. 1675, ANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Cadernos do Promotor, Livro 255, fols. 38, 48.

57. Overseas Council to Dom Pedro II, November 16, 1693, AHU, Maranhão, Caixa 8, Doc. 869.

58. APEM, Receitas e Despesas, Livro 26, fols. 3–3v, 4–4v, 23.

59. Do Prov.or de Faz.a Agost.o Borges de Sousa, August 18, 1678, AHU, Açores, Série 1, Caixa 1, Doc. 19. See also Sobre o que escreve o Provedor da Faz.a da Ilha Triceira, October 6, 1678, AHU, Codex 274, fol. 10v.

60. Governor João Pereira Caldas to Martinho de Melo e Castro, Belém, August 31, 1777, AHU, Pará, Caixa 80, Doc. 6627.

61. Schwartz, Sugar Plantations, 168.

62. Jesuit Father João Daniel describes the engenhoca as smaller than an engenho, without the cauldrons and the materials needed for sugar production. He stresses that fewer workers were needed. According to him, sugar mills also produced aguardente in a room next to the main mill, where an alambique was installed. Daniel, Tesouro descoberto no máximo rio Amazonas, 2:41–42.

63. Papel sobre o governo do Estado do Maranhaõ e sua extençaõ. Por Manoel Da Vide Soutomayor. Anno de 1663 e restituiçaõ dos Padres da Comp.a, 1663, BA, Codex 54-XIII-4, no. 42a. It is likely that Soutomaior refers here also to tiquira, a distillate made from manioc, and aguardentes produced from fruits. See Daniel, Tesouro descoberto no máximo rio Amazonas, 1:526–527; Tarcísio Botelho, “A produção de tiquira no Maranhão: história de uma ausência,” in Álcool e drogas na história do Brasil, Renato Pinto Venâncio and Henrique Carneiro, eds. (São Paulo/Belo Horizonte: Alameda/PucMinas, 2005), 217–229. Sérgio Buarque de Holanda discusses the production of a variety of aguardentes from maize: Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, Caminhos e fronteiras, 3rd ed. (São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1994), 184–185.

64. Carlos Alberto Ximendes found complaints relating to the production of aguardente in the council of São Luís records as early as 1653. Carlos Alberto Ximendes, Sob a mira da Câmara: viver e trabalhar na cidade de São Luís (1644–1692) (São Luís: EdUEMA/Café & Lápis, 2013), 185–186.

65. A canada was a twelfth of an almude and represented 1.4 liters. See José Curto, Enslaving Spirits : The Portuguese-Brazilian Alcohol Trade at Luanda and Its Hinterland, c. 1550–1830 (Leiden and Boston: Brill Academic Publishers, 2004), 123. See also Mauro, Le Portugal et l'Atlantique au XVIIe siècle, 56; and Charles Boxer, The Golden Age of Brazil: Growing Pains of a Colonial Society, 1695–1750 (Manchester, UK: Carcanet, 1995), 356.

66. Advertências sobre diversos aspectos referentes ao Estado do Maranhão, February 24, 1663, AHU, Maranhão, Caixa 4, Doc. 465.

67. Para o g.or do Maranhaõ. Sobre o papel q. deu P.o Maçiel Parente, acerca da conservaçaõ e aum.to daqle Estado; e junta q. sobre elle se deve fazer, August 3, 1662, AHU, Codex 275, fol. 322v.

68. Overseas Council to Dom Afonso VI, January 28, 1664, AHU, Maranhão, Caixa 4, Doc. 480.

69. See Antonio Filipe Pereira Caetano, Entre a sombra e o sol. A revolta da cachaça e a crise política fluminense (Maceió, AL: Q Grafica, 2009); Caetano, Entre drogas e cachaça: a política colonial e as tensões na América portuguesa (1640–1710) (Maceió; EdUFAL, 2009), 221–234; and Marcelo Gulão Pimentel, “Mercês, pactos e conflitos: negociações e disputas entre a nobreza da terra carioca na Revolta da Cachaça (1649–1661),” Navigator 12:24 (2016): 113–124.

70. In the case of the French empire, brandy producers in France struggled against the eau-de-vie made from sugar and produced in the Caribbean, which was banned in France in 1713. See: Bertie Mandelblatt, “L'alambic dans l'Atlantique. Production, commercialisation, et concurrence de l'eau-de-vie de vin et de l'eau-de-vie de rhum dans l'Atlantique français au XVIIe et au début du XVIIe siècle,” Histoire, économie & société 30:2 (2011): 63–78.

71. Schwartz, Sugar Plantations, 531. See also Mauro, Le Portugal et l'Atlantique au XVIIe siècle, 360–361; Leila Mezan Algranti, “Aguardente de cana e outras aguardentes: por uma história da produção e do consumo de licores na América portuguesa,” in Álcool e drogas na história do Brasil, Carneiro and Venâncio, eds., 88; and Raphael Martins Ricardo, “A cachaça nos dois lados do Atlântico: produção comércio e proibição” (Master's dissertation: Universidade Estadual Paulista, 2004), 58–84.

72. Luciano de Almeida Raposo Figueiredo, “A linguagem da embriaguez: cachaça e álcool no vocabulário político das rebeliões na América portuguesa,” Revista de História 176 (2017): 1–25, doi: 10.11606/issn.2316–9141.rh.2017.114859

73. Schwartz, Sugar Plantations, 163, 238, 214, 428. See also Curto, Enslaving Spirits; Luiz Felipe de Alencastro, O trato dos viventes. Formação do Brasil no Atlântico sul (São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2000), 307–323; and Roquinaldo Ferreira, “Dinâmica do comércio intracolonial: geribitas, panos asiáticos e guerra no tráfico angolano de escravos (século XVIII),” in O Antigo Regime nos trópicos: a dinâmica imperial portuguesa (séculos XVI–XVIII), João Fragoso, Maria Fernanda Bicalho and Maria de Fátima Gouvêa, eds. (Rio de Janeiro, Civilização Brasileira, 2001), 339–378.

74. Overseas Council to Dom Pedro II, September 20, 1677, AHU, Maranhão, Caixa 5, Doc. 611. Similar opinions were held by many settlers and authorities. See Discurso sobre o augmento da Capitania do Maranhaõ, São Luís, September 3, 1682, AHU, Maranhão, Caixa 6, Doc. 671; and Carta dos oficiais da câmara da cidade de São Luís do Maranhão para o Conselho Ultramarino, São Luís, September 5, 1682, AHU, Maranhão, Caixa 6, Doc. 672.

75. Papel feyto por Joaõ de Moura sobre se augmentar o Estado do Maranhaõ e Pará, [1690s], BA, Codex 54-XIII-4, no. 42c. At the beginning of the eighteenth century, according to a report written by the Overseas Council, the officials of the Council of Belém expressed their discontent with the sugar mill owners, who “looking out only for their own interest and [seeking to expend] less effort, produce aguardente from the cane that could produce sugar.” They indicated to the king, thus, that distilleries should be forbidden and that “the sugar mill owners shall make only sugar and no aguardente, except from the honeys and cane that cannot be used for sugar.” After examining the letter from the Belém council, the Overseas Council supported its concerns and noted that a restriction on engenhocas could foster trade, if sugar “was produced to a greater extent, such as it was produced in the past.” The councilors even argued that the king should decree that every senhor de engenho who produced cachaça would lose his harvest; and upon a second offence, he would lose the harvest and be arrested for four months. The third time, he would lose his engenho. S.e o q. escrevem os off.es da Cam.ra do Para aserca de se prohibir aos senhores de engenho o fazerem agoas ardentes e tratarem som.te da fabrica dos asucares, August 23, 1706, AHU, Codex 274, fols. 184–184v.

76. The governor should decide the number of alambiques that would be allowed to function in the State, “according to the quality of mills, the Indians, and the slaves.” Those who broke the law would lose their mills and distilleries and would have to pay a fine. If the crime was perpetrated by peasants a second time, they should be flogged and go to the galleys, and if by nobles, they should be condemned to exile for five years in Angola. Sobre se naõ fazer aguardente no Estado do Maranhaõ, September 2, 1684, AHU, Codex 93, fol. 378v.

77. The royal order was based on a letter sent by Governor Antonio de Albuquerque Coelho de Carvalho, who was disturbed by “the quantity of aguardente” produced in São Luís, using “the sugar cane that could be used to make sugar,” because the 1684 law had been flouted. Pera o g.or e capitaõ g.l do Maranhaõ. Sobre se guardar inviolavelmente a ley sobre a prohibiçaõ das aguardentes e açerca dos escravos e escravas, May 29, 1691, AHU, Codex 268, fol. 85v. The same year, in a second letter, the king complained about the modest revenues of his treasury in the state of Maranhão, “because no ships sail to it, since they do not find any cargo there, and because the tithes do not increase, since the sugar mills do not grind, even if the settlers were [to be] forbidden to plant cotton, being compelled to plant sugarcane for the mills, even if aguardente was [also] forbidden.” “Para o governador do Maranhão, Sobre lhe aprovar a escala que concedeu aquelles moradores para hirem com missionarios ao certão buscar escravos pela grande falta que delles tinhão,” June 2, 1691, ABNRJ 66 (1948): 125.

78. “Dá diversas providencias sobre as agoas ardentes e a canna de assucar,” December 7, 1695, Annaes da Bibliotheca e Archivo Publico do Pará [hereafter ABAPP], tomo I (1902), 103. According to the registry of royal orders kept by the Council of Belém, this letter is dated December 10, 1695: [Carta Régia sobre as aguardentes], December 10, 1695, AHU, Codex 1275, fols. 46–47.

79. P.a o provedor da Fazenda do Parâ. S.e se acharem desbaratados os engenhos reaes pellas m.tas emgenhocas e lambiques em q. os tapuias e moradores destilaõ a cana p.a suas bebidas, November 10, 1702, AHU, Codex 268, fols. 176–176v.

80. See Rafael Chambouleyron, “A Amazônia colonial e as ilhas atlânticas,” Canoa do Tempo, 2:1 (2008): 187–204.

81. Schwartz, Sugar Plantations; Curto, Enslaving Spirits; Alencastro, O trato dos viventes; and Ferreira, “Dinâmica do comércio intracolonial.”

82. Overseas Council to Dom Pedro II, October 22, 1682, AHU, Pará, Caixa 3, Doc. 206. The letter is illegible; I used the summary of it written by the Overseas Council.

83. Overseas Council to Dom Pedro II, November 29, 1695, AHU, Maranhão, Caixa 8, Doc. 893.

84. See Marina Hungria Nobre, “Para o governo do sal, tainhas e dos índios. As salinas e o pesqueiro real no Estado do Maranhão e Pará” (Master's dissertation: Universidade Federal do Pará, 2017).

85. “Alvará em forma de ley que se passou para o Maranhão sobre alguas declarações do bando de Gomes Freire d'Andrade acerca das salinas,” March 22, 1688, ABNRJ 66 (1948): 85–86.

86. In the inventory of their estates and goods produced by the Jesuits just after their expulsion from the State of Maranhão, they indicated the existence of a “house of alambiques, with four alambiques” in their most important estate (Ibirajuba). Lista do q. tinha o Coll.o do Pará na Faz.da de Hybyrajuba a 18 de junho de 1760, dia em q. a tomou p.a a Faz.da Real o intendente Luiz Gomes de Faria e Souza, Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Bras. 28, fols. 13–14v.

87. João Azevedo Fernandes, “Cachaça, a rainha do sul,” Revista Atlântica de Cultura Ibero-americana 2 (2005): 87.

88. Propostas a El Rey dos P.P. expulsos do Mar.ão q.do S.Mag.e p.a la oz mandou voltar, c. 1685, Biblioteca Pública de Évora, Codex CXV/2–11, fol. 149.

89. Algranti, “Aguardente de cana e outras aguardentes,” 71.

90. See Solange Alberro, “Bebidas alcohólicas y sociedad colonial en México: un intento de interpretación,” Revista Mexicana de Sociología 51:2 (1989): 349.

91. Claude Gélinas, “Une perspective historique sur l'utilité de l'alcool dans les sociétés amérindiennes de la région subarctique,” Drogues, santé et société 4:1 (2005): 58–83.

92. John M. Monteiro, “Armas e armadilhas. História e resistência dos índios,” in A outra margem do Ocidente, Adauto Novaes, ed. (São Paulo: FUNARTE/Companhia das Letras, 1999), 237–256.

93. This could also be a result of the evangelization of these Indians as undertaken by the Jesuits. The Indians of Marcanã showed many times a capacity to articulate their own interests. In the 1660s, they had had a serious conflict with the famous Jesuit father Antonio Vieira. The Indians even wrote a letter to the governor complaining against the priests. See João Lúcio de Azevedo, História de António Vieira, 2nd ed. (Lisbon: Livraria Clássica Editora, 1931), 1:386–388; and Almir Diniz Carvalho Junior, Índios cristãos. Poder, magia e religião na Amazônia colonial (Curitiba, PR: Editora CRV, 2017), 97–108.

94. Gilbert Quintero, “Making the Indian: Colonial Knowledge, Alcohol, and Native Americans,” American Indian Culture and Research Journal 25:4 (2001): 59. See also Fernandes, “Cauinagens e bebedeiras,” 46.

95. Maia Conrad, “Disorderly Drinking: Reconsidering Seventeenth-Century Iroquois Alcohol Use,” American Indian Quarterly 23:3–4 (1999): 9.

96. João Azevedo Fernandes, “Selvagens bebedeiras: álcool, embriaguez e contatos culturais no Brasil colonial (séculos XVI-XVII)” (PhD diss.: Universidade Federal Fluminense, 2004), 8–9. This dissertation was published in 2011, under the same title.

97. For discussions on this subject, see Ronald Raminelli, “Da etiqueta canibal: beber antes de comer,” in Álcool e drogas na história do Brasil, Carneiro and Venâncio, eds., 29–46; João Azevedo Fernandes, “Sobriedade e embriaguez: a luta dos soldados de Cristo contra as festas dos Tupinambás,” Tempo 11 (2007): 98–121; Fernandes, “Feast and Sin: Catholic Missionaries and Native Celebrations in Early Colonial Brazil,” Social History of Alcohol and Drugs 23:2 (2009): 111–127; Maria Betânia Barbosa Albuquerque, “Beberagens Tupinambá e processos educativos no Brasil colonial,” Educação em Revista 27:1 (2011): 19–44; and Fernandes, “Um tesouro etílico: bebidas, identidades e categorias sociais na Amazônia portuguesa do século XVIII,” Saeculum 27 (2012): 39–48

98. Heriarte, Descripção do Estado do Maranhão, 36.

99. João Felipe Bettendorff SJ, Crônica da missão dos padres da Companhia de Jesus no Maranhão [1698] (Belém: Secult, 1990), 170–171.

100. Fernandes, “Feast and Sin,” 114.

101. See Susana de Matos Viegas, “Nojo, prazer e persistência: beber fermentado entre os Tupinambá de Olivença (Bahia),” Revista de História 154 (2006): 151–188.

102. See Phillipe Erikson, ed., La pirogue ivre. Bières traditionalles en Amazonie (Saint-Nicolas de Port/Paris: Musée Français de la Brasserie/Université de Paris X-Nanterre, 2004).

103. Vieira, “Ao padre provincial do Brasil,” 1654, Cartas, 1:344.

104. João Azevedo Fernandes, “Liquid Fire: Alcohol, Identity, and Social Hierarchy in Colonial Brazil,” in Alcohol in Latin America: A Social and Cultural History, Gretchen Pierce and Áurea Toxqui, eds. (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2014), 54.

105. Franz Scaramelli and Kay Tarble, “Caña: The Role of Aguardiente in the Colonization of the Orinoco, ” in Histories and Historicities in Amazonia, Neil Whitehead, ed. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2003), 176.

106. Matheus feitis.as 1692, ANTT, Inquisição de Lisboa, Cadernos do Promotor, Livro 263, fols. 273–273v.

107. Luciano R. A. Figueiredo and Renato P. Venâncio, “Colonization, European, and Drinking Behavior among Indigenous Peoples (Portuguese America),” in Alcohol and Temperance in Modern History. An International Encyclopedia, Jack S. Blocker, Jr., David M. Fahey, and Ian R. Tyrrell, eds. (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2003), 1:167.

108. Concerning the reinterpretation of ancient Indian practices in Portuguese Amazonia, notably in the missionary villages, see Karl Heinz Arenz, “Além das doutrinas e rotinas: índios e missionários nos aldeamentos jesuíticos da Amazônia portuguesa (séculos XVII e XVIII),” Revista História e Cultura 3:2 (2014): 63–88; and Carvalho Junior, Índios cristãos.

109. Concerning the role of both governors in regard to the Portuguese policies toward the Amazon region, see Chambouleyron, “O zelo de um tão grande herói. Os governadores e a política portuguesa para a Amazônia colonial (século XVII e princípio do século XVIII),” in Dinâmicas sociais, políticas e judiciais na América Lusa: hierarquias, poderes e governo (Século XVI-XIX), Antonio Filipe Pereira Caetano, ed. (Recife: EdUFPE, 2016), 81–102.

110. Gomes Freire de Andrade to Dom Pedro II, August 23, 1686, AHU, Brasil Geral, Caixa 1, Doc. 101; Sobre o que escreve o g.or Gomes Freire de Andrade açerca dos incomvenientes que se lhe offereçeraõ para se extinguirem os molinetes de augoardente naquelle Estado, December 16, 1686, AHU, Codex 274, fols. 55–55v.

111. Concerning the role played by Gomes Freire de Andrade as a counselor for issues related to the State of Maranhão, see Frei Domingos Teixeira, OSA, Vida de Gomes Freyre de Andrada, general da artelharia do reyno do Algarve, governador, e capitaõ general do Maranhaõ, Parà, e rio das Amazonas no Estado do Brasil (West Lisbon: Officina de Antonio Pedrozo Gairam, 1727, 2nd part), 439–440.

112. Albuquerque's comments are included in Overseas Council to Dom Pedro II, November 28, 1695, AHU, Pará, Caixa 4, Doc. 330.

113. The letter written by Antonio de Albuquerque Coelho de Carvalho (June 19, 1693) is in Overseas Council to Dom Pedro II, November 28, 1693, AHU, Maranhão, Caixa 8, Doc. 872.

114. Gomes Freire de Andrade's report (November 23, 1693) is in Overseas Council to Dom Pedro II, November 28, 1693, AHU, Maranhão, Caixa 8, Doc. 872.

115. Pera o g.or geral do Estado do Maranhaõ. Sobre o asento que se fes ese ajustou entre vos e os officiaes da Câmara, December 16, 1693, AHU, Codex 268, fols. 108–108v.

116. The letter exists; however, it is unreadable. Antonio de Albuquerque Coelho de Carvalho to Dom Pedro II, July 10, 1695, AHU, Maranhão, Caixa 8, Doc. 889.

117. Gomes Freire de Andrade's report (November 20, 1695) is in Overseas Council to Dom Pedro II, November 28, 1695, AHU, Pará, Caixa 4, Doc. 330. Similar solutions were conceived for New Spain at the end of the eighteenth century. See Manuel Moreno Alonso, “Aguardientes y alcoholismo en el México colonial,” Cuadernos Hispanoamericanos 424 (1985): 86–87.

118. “Dá diversas providencias sobre as agoas ardentes e a canna de assucar,” December 7, 1695, ABAPP, tomo I (1902), 105.

119. Overseas Council to Dom Pedro II, January 19, 1696, AHU, Pará, Cx. 4, Doc. 333. Years before, Francisco Lameira de França had petitioned a similar grant. Para o g.or e capitaõ g.al do Estado do Maranhaõ. Sobre Fran.co Lameira de França acerca de querer fabricar hun engenho e se pedir informação, February 11, 1693, AHU, Codex 268, fol. 98.

120. Fran.co Lameira de França morador no Pará. Licença pera fazer hum molinete pagando o mesmo emposto, January 30, 1696, AHU, Codex 94, fol. 355v.

121. Para o mesmo. S.e o requerim.to de Joseph da Cunha de Sâ, November 26, 1696, AHU, Codex 268, fol. 121; Para o gov.or do Est.o do Maranhaõ. S.e informar no requerim.to de Clem.te Soeyro Palhota,” December 27, 1696, AHU, Codex 268, fol. 123v; Para o mesmo. S.e o requerim.to de Marcos da Costa de Britto e informaçaõ q. se lhe pedio nelles, February 12, 1697, AHU, Codex 268, fol. 125; Joseph Portal de Carvalho, Pode levantar hum molinete de agoardente,” December 15, 1700, AHU, Codex 268, fols. 101–101v; P.a g.or do Estado do Maranhaõ. S.e o req.to de Eufrasia Caetana de Madureira, January 7, 1702, AHU, Codex 268, fol. 163; P.a o capitaõ mor da capitania do Pará. S.e o req.to de Simaõ da Cunha d'Essa, February 15, 1702, AHU, Codex 268, fol. 164v; P.a o g.or do Est.o do Maranhaõ. S.e o req.to de M.el Gonçalvez Luiz, September 26, 1705, AHU, Codex 268, fol. 205v.

122. See Manuel Hernández González, “La polémica sobre la fabricación de aguardiente de caña entre las elites caribeñas y el comercio canario en el siglo XVIII,” Revista de Historia Canaria 182 (2000): 113–126; Yelitza C. Rivas C. “La industria del aguardiente en Venezuela durante el siglo XVIII: producción, control y represión,” Revista Venezolana de Economía y Ciencias Sociales 16:3 (2010):165–175; Teresa Lozano Armendares, “De cómo el chinguirito y el mezcal enfrentaron al aguardiente de Castilla, durante la colonia,” in En torno a las bebidas alcohólicas mexicanas. Poder, prácticas culturales y configuraciones regionales, José de Jesús Hernández López, Miguel Ángel Iwadare, eds. (Guadalajara: Universidad de Guadalajara, 2015), 19–32; Valquiria Ferreira da Silva, “De cabeça de porco à bebida de negro. Um estudo sobre a produção e o consumo da aguardente nas Minas Gerais no século XVIII” (Master's dissertation: Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, 2015); and Huemac Escalona Lüttig, “Grana, aguardiente y rebelión indígena. El impacto de las reformas borbónicas en la alcaldía de Nexapa, Oaxaca (1770–1774),” in Temas americanistas: historia y diversidad cultural, Sandra Olivero Guidobono and José Luis Caño Ortigosa, eds. (Seville: Editorial Universidad de Sevilla, 2015), 203–216.

123. Gilma Mora de Tovar, “La política fiscal del estado colonial y el monopolio de la industria de aguardiente en la Nueva Granada en el siglo XVIII,” Revista Desarrollo y Sociedad 10 (1983): 91–119; Gilma Lucía Mora de Tovar, “Chicha, guarapo y presión fiscal en la sociedad colonial del Siglo XVIII,” Anuario Colombiano de Historia Social y de la Cultura 16–17 (1988–1989): 15–47; Maria Luisa Laviana Cuetos, “La creación del estanco de aguardiente en Guayaquil, 1778,” in El vino de Jerez y otras bebidas espirituosas en la historia de España y América, Antonio Gutiérrez Escudero, María Carmen Borrego Plá, and María Luisa Laviana Cuetos, eds. (Jerez de la Frontera: Ayuntamiento de Jerez, 2004), 365–376; Ileana D'Alolio Sánchez, “Del ‘piadoso y católico real ánimo’ a los ojos de Argos: aguardiente y gubernamentalidad en Costa Rica (1750–1837),” Revista Estudios 27 (2013): 296–331.

124. Luiz Antonio Silva Araujo, “Contratos de Direitos e Tributos Régios e o Sistema Colonial: I metade do Setecentos,” Anais do VIII Congresso Brasileiro de História Econômica, 2009, http://www.abphe.org.br/arquivos/luiz-antonio-silva-araujo_1.pdf, accessed September 5, 2019.

125. João Francisco Lisboa indicates the existence of 12 engenhocas on the island of São Luís, in 1671. João Francisco Lisboa, Crônica do Brasil colonial: apontamentos para a história do Maranhão (Petrópolis/Brasília: Vozes/INL, 1976), 545.

126. Even for the municipal authorities, one could argue, the selling of aguardente could be profitable. In 1706, for example, the municipal council of São Luís complained about the trade of aguardente coming from the Mearim River, which was not legally taxed and controlled (“almotaçada”) by the council. Termo de vereaçaõ, October, 16, 1706, APEM, Acórdãos da Câmara de São Luís, Livro 7 (1705–1714), fol. 32.

127. P.a o provedor da Fazenda do Parâ. S.e se acharem desbaratados os engenhos reaes pellas m.tas emgenhocas e lambiques em q. os tapuias e moradores destilaõ a cana p.a suas bebidas, November 10, 1702, AHU, Codex 268, fols. 176–176v.

128. [On the senhores de engenho and the molinetes], September 18, 1706. AHU, Codex 95, fol. 295v. See also “Para os officiaes da Camara do Maranhão. Sobre a extinção dos molinetes,” September 28, 1706, ABNRJ 66 (1948): 293. This royal order originated from a letter sent by the Council of Belém, which was examined at the Overseas Council. See S.e o q. escrevem os off.es da Cam.ra do Para aserca de se prohibir aos senhores de engenho o fazerem agoas ardentes e tratarem som.te da fabrica dos asucares, August 23, 1706, AHU, Codex 274, fols. 184–184v.

129. Sue Gross, “The Economic Life of the Estado do Maranhão e Grão-Pará, 1686–1751” (PhD diss.: Tulane University, 1969), 19–21; Ana Paula Macedo Cunha, “Engenhos e engenhocas: atividade açucareira no Estado do Maranhão e Grão-Pará (1706–1750)” (Master's dissertation: Universidade Federal do Pará, 2009), 49–54.

130. Dias, “L'Amazonie avant Pombal,” 191–192.

131. Barbara Ann Sommer, “Negotiated Settlements: Native Amazonians and Portuguese Policy in Pará, Brazil, 1758–1798” (PhD diss.: University of New Mexico, 2000), 133–134; Sampaio, Patrícia Maria Melo, Espelhos partidos: etnia, legislação e desigualdade na Colônia (Manaus: EdUA, 2011), 187–189Google Scholar; de Souza Junior, José Alves, Tramas do cotidiano. Religião, política, guerra e negócios no Grão-Pará do Setecentos (Belém: EdUFPA, 2012), 283–287Google Scholar; Roller, Heather Flynn, Amazonian Routes. Indigenous Mobility and Colonial Communities in Northern Brazil (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2014), 77–78Google Scholar, 86–87; Coelho, Mauro Cezar, Do Sertão para o Mar. Um estudo sobre a experiência portuguesa na América: o caso do Diretório dos Índios (1750–1798) (São Paulo: Editora Livraria da Física, 2016), 370Google Scholar.

132. Directorio, que se deve observar nas povoaçoens dos indios do Pará, e Maranhaõ em quanto Sua Magestade naõ mandar o contrario (Lisbon: Officina de Miguel Rodrigues, 1758), 18–19.

133. Daniel, Tesouro descoberto no máximo rio Amazonas, 1:290.