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“Born Under the Cruel Rigor of Captivity, The Supplicant Left it Unexpectedly by Committing a Crime”: Categorizing and Punishing Slave Convicts in Brazil, 1830-1897*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 February 2015

Peter M. Beatti
Peter M. Beatti*
Affiliation:
Michigan State UniversityEast Lansing, Michigan
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Extract

No presídio [de Fernando de Noronha] o bandido [Zé Moleque] criara fama de boa pessoa, de trabalhador. Os seus roçados de farinha eram sempre os maiores e nunca estivera em cela, nunca dera o que fazer aos diretores.

In José Lins do Rego's 1936 novel, A Usina (the sugar refinery), the penal colony of Fernando de Noronha Island emerges as an incongruous Utopia. The novel's young black protoganist Ricardo serves a three year sentence there as a result of his involvement in a Recife labor strike. Upon his return, he is disillusioned by what he finds on the mainland. He recalls his penalcolony stint with a mixture of nostalgia and shame, especially the tender relationship he had had with the former black bandit Zé Moleque, the respected convict in the citation above. The island, some 220 miles off Brazil's northeast coast, initially appears to be an exotic criminal community of dishonored men, the antithesis of life on the mainland. But, as the plot progresses, it becomes a bucolic foil with which the author highlights hypocrisy, injustice, indifference, and corruption on the modernizing Brazilian mainland of the 1920s.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Americas , Volume 66 , Issue 1 , July 2009 , pp. 11 - 55
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 2014 

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Footnotes

*

I thank Β. J. Barickman, Daina Ramey Berry, Marcus J. M. de Carvalho, Celso Castilho, Elizabeth Anne Kuznesof, José Luiz Ribeiro, James Sanders, Erica M. Windier, and two anonymous reviewers who revealed their indentities, Linda Lewin and David McCreery, for their insights, corrections, and suggestions that improved this manuscript. I also thank the members of the editorial board for their comments, particularly Mary Karasch and Barbara Sommer. I demand full credit, however, for any mistakes. I also thank Fulbright CIES, Michigan State University’s Intramural Research Grant Program, the Department of History, and International Studies and Programs for the funds and leave time that made it possible to research and write this article.

References

1 “In the presidio, the bandit became known as a good person, a worker. His manioc fields were always the most productive and he was never jailed, never gave the prison administrators trouble.” José Lins, do Rego, A Usina, 4 ed. (Rio: José Olympio, 1956 [1936]), pp. 17–18.Google Scholar

2 Benedict, Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism, Rev. Ed. (New York: Verso, 1991).Google Scholar

3 See, e. g., Maria Helena, P.T. Machado, Crime e escravidão: Trabalho, Luta, e resistencia nas lavouras paulistas, 1830–1888 (Sào Paulo: Brasiliense, 1987);Google Scholar Patricia Ann, Aufderheide, “Order and Violence: Social Deviance and Social Control in Brazil, 1780–1840” (PhD diss., Univ. of Minnesota, 1976);Google Scholar Bryan, Daniel McCann, “The Whip and the Watch: Overseers in the Parafba Valley, Brazil,” Slavery and Abolition 18:2 (Aug. 1997), pp. 36–37;Google Scholar Sidney, Chalhoub, Visões de liberdade: Uma historia das últimas décadas de escravidão na Corte (Sao Paulo: Cia. das Letras, 1990);Google Scholar Thomas, Holloway, Policing Rio de Janeiro: Repression and Resistance in a Nineteenth Century City (Stanford University Press, 1993);Google Scholar Leila, Mezan Algranti, Ofeitor ausente: Estudos sobre a escravidão urbana no Rio de Janeiro— 1808–1822 (Rio: Vozes, 1988), pp. 193–198;Google Scholar José Antônio, Soares de Souza, “Os escravos e a pena de morte,” Revista do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro 313 (1976), pp. 5–19;Google Scholar Brown, Alexandre K. “Ά Black Mark on Our Legislation:’ Slavery, Punishment, and the Politics of Death in Nineteenth-Century Brazil,” Luso-Brazilian Review 37:2 (2000), pp. 95–121;Google Scholar Karasch, Mary C. Slave Life in Rio de Janeiro, 1808–1850 (Princeton University Press, 1987), chap. 5;Google Scholar Ferreira, Ricardo Alexandre, Sen-hores de poucos escravos: Cativeiro e crime num ambiente rural (1830–1888) (São Paulo: Ed. UNESP, 2005);Google Scholar Guimarães, Elione Silva, Violencia enterparceiros de cativeiro: Juiz de Fora, segunda metade do século XIX (São Paulo: Anna Blume, 2006);Google Scholar Campos, Adriana Pereira, “Crime e escravidão: uma interpretação alternativa,” in Nação e cidadania no império: Novos horizontes. Org. de Carvalho, José Murilo (Rio: Civilização Brasileira, 2006), pp. 209–235;Google Scholar and Riberio, João Luiz, No meio das galinhas as baratas não tem razào: a Lei de 10 de Junho de 1835, os escravos e a pena de morte no império brasiliero (Rio: Renovar, 2005).Google Scholar

4 The slave convict survey referred to throughout this article is Gracindo de Gusmào Lobo, Capitão Antonio, “Relação nominal de escravos sentenciados,” Fernando de Noronha, 27 Oct. 1881,Google Scholar Arquivo Público de Pernambuco Jordão Emerenciano (hereafter APPJE), Livro FN-21, no folha (f.) nos [hereafter Gusmào Lobo, “Relação” APPJE]. Other sources provide information on convicts that I coded in a data base. Two books of inmate guias (official court letters that identified prisoners, their crimes, and sentences) record data on inmates in the 1830s and 1850s, Livro de guias, Serie Justiça, Código do Fundo ND, Seção de Guarda Codes, Fernando de Noronha, 1829–1837, Arquivo Nacional do Rio de Janeiro (hereafter ANR), livro IIJ 7 91, and Ibid., 1853–1861, livro IIJ 7 2 [hereafter Livro de guias, 1829–1837, and Livro de guias, 1853–1861], I surveyed the entire book of guias for the 1830s and one in five from the 1850s. Two matriculation books recorded data on convicts from the 1860s through the 1890s, Livro da matricula geral dos sentenciados com declaração de todas as circum-stancias desde sua chegada a este presidio, e sua retirada, conforme determina o regulamento mandado executar pelo decreto no. 3.403 de 11 de Fevereiro de 1865, Fernando de Noronha, ANR, Seção de Justiça, livro IIJ 7 94. Livro da matricula geral… mandado executar pelo decreto no. 9.356 de 10 de Janeiro de 1885, Fernando de Noronha, ANR, Seção de Justiça, livro IIJ 7 6 [hereafter Livro de matricula, 1865, and Livro de matricula, 1885]. Matriculation books yielded data on 1,092 prisoners. I also used a detailed overview of the island’s population: “Relatório do Director Joaquim de Gusmão Coelho ao Cidadào Desembargador José Antonio Correia da Silva, Governador do Estado de Pernambuco,” Fernando de Noronha, 1 Jan. 1891, APPJE, livro FN-30, f. 2-10 [hereafter “Relatório… de Gusmão Coelho,” 1891, APPJE].

5 Here I borrow language from Barickmas’n , B.J. “Reading the 1835 Parish Censuses from Bahia: Citizenship, Kinship, Slavery, and Household in Early Nineteenth-Century Brazil,” The Americas 59:3 (2003), pp. 287–323.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Barickman follows paths blazed in the qualitative readings of Latin American censuses by Kuznesof, Elizabeth Anne, “Ethnic and Gender Influences on “Spanish” Creole Society in Colonial Spanish America,” Colonial Latin American Review 4:1 (1995), pp. 153–201 CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Nazzari, Muriel, “Vanishing Indians: The Social Construction of Race in Colonial São Paulo,” The Americas 57:4 (2001), pp. 487–524.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed

6 There is no study of lynching in Brazil perhaps due to its infrequency and the difficulty of finding adequate sources. The most promising way to research lynching would likely be through periodicals, but the lack of indexation makes it a daunting task. A penal expert noted two slave lynchings in Leopoldina, Minas Gérais in 1876 and Itu, Sao Paulo in 1879. de Padua Fluery, Conselheiro André Augusto, Parecer sobre o presidio de Fernando de Noronha (Rio: Imprensa Nacional, 1880), p. 15;Google Scholar The abolitionist José de Patricínio noted that slave lynchings occurred in Itu, Rio Bonito, Resende, Rio do Peixe, Madalena, and Rio de Janeiro to prevent Pedro II from commuting their sentences. Cidade do Rio de Janeiro, 29 Apr. 1889. The U.S. Ex-Consul General of Brazil C.C. Andrews notes rising slave criminality and planter violence to counter it in the 1880s in Brazil: Its Conditions and Prospects (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1889), pp. 316–317; Ricardo Alexandre Ferreira offers rare data on slave suspects denounced in Franca, São Paulo where in more than 100 cases from 1830-1888 only 18 percent stood trial. Most cases never went to trial either because the defendant died or escaped, the master illegally sold the slave to a distant market, or the court absolved the defendant. In 66 cases, Ferreira found that 45. 5 percent of slave defendant’s were never formally processed, 21.2 percent were named as defendants but never prosecuted, and in 25.5 percent of the cases, they were absolved. Only 7.6 percent were tried and condemned. Ferreira, Senhores de poucos escravos, pp. 92–96. The low conviction rates were common to the Brazilian jury system. Flory, Thomas, Judge and Jury in Imperial Brazil 1808–1871 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1981).CrossRefGoogle Scholar Recent studies indicate that slave lynchings were more common in the antebellum United States than previously supposed. Fitzhugh Brundage, William, Under Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997), p. 98.Google Scholar

7 Brasil, . Constitução política do Império do Brasil (Rio: n.p., 1824) art. 179, paragraph 19;Google Scholar Queiroz, Suely R.R., Escravidão negra em São Paulo (Rio: José Olympio, 1977), pp. 53–55.Google Scholar Maria Helena P. T. Machado found that in Taubaté, São Paulo from 1850–1888 no jury sentenced slave convicts to hang; 16, to galés; and 82, to be flogged. In Campinas from 1830 to 1888, Machado found that juries sentenced 12 slaves to hang; 16, to galés; and 82, to be flogged. Her data does not distinguish the crimes for which the slaves were convicted, but a separate table does note that slaves perpetrated 84 homicides in Campinas that victimized 18 masters and 23 overseers. In Taubaté, juries convicted 37 slaves for homicide in which six victims were masters and eight overseers. Machado, , Crimes e escravidão, pp. 39–40, 53.Google Scholar In Franca, São Paulo, Ricardo Alexandre Ferreira found that of 20 slaves convicted from 1830 to 1888, one was executed; three had capital sentences commuted to galés perpetuas, one was sentenced to galés perpetuas, and 15, flogged. Ferreira, , Senhores de poucos escravos, p. 96.Google Scholar In Juiz de Fora, Minas Gérais, Elione Silva Guimarães found from 1850–1888 that of 16 homicides where a slave killed another slave, two were sentenced to galés perpétuas; 12, to be flogged; and two sentences were unknown. Guimarães, Silva, Violencia, p. 114.Google Scholar

8 For a sense of how authorities regulated the flogging of slaves in Rio de Janeiro, see Série Justiça, Fundo ND, Seção de Guarda Codes, Rio, 1857–1858, ANR, livro IVJ 7 2. The entries note slaves who were jailed and include offenses, number of lashes applied, as well as expenses for whippings, food, and medicine.

9 Paulo de Souza originally cited in Honorio Rodrigues, José et al, eds., O parlamento e a evolução nacional (Brasília: Senado Federal, 1972), v. 2 pp. 345–346.Google Scholar The citation of de Souza was translated and cited by Aufderheide, , “Order and Violence,” pp. 308–309;Google Scholar On improper sentencing, Bandeira, , Infor-mações, p. 21.Google Scholar

10 Fleury, , Parecer, pp. 6–9.Google Scholar

11 For a harrowing description of prison labor on Rio’s dikes, Cypriano José Barata de Almeida [attributed], “Dissertação abreviada sobre o horrível masmona—Pressiganga—existente no Rio de Janeiro,” Rio de Janeiro, May 26, 1929, Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro, Lata 48, doc. 12.

12 Luiz Riberio, João, No meio das galinhas, ch. 1 and 2;Google Scholar José Reis, João, Rebelião escrava no Brasil: a historia do levante dos Males (1835) (São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2003);Google Scholar Brown, , “Ά Black Mark on Our Legislation,’” p. 107.Google Scholar

13 The numbers given above are adjustments upward from those cited in Luiz Riberio’s, João No meio das galinhas, pp. 296–298, 314–315.Google Scholar These numbers are based on research subsequent to his book’s publication, and the count draws on reported executions found in a variety of sources from provinces across Brazil. Given the difficulty of surveying this topic on a national level, it is not surprising that Ribeiro’s research was more extensive in one region. In an Oct. 27, 2008 email communication, Ribeiro affirmed, “O número de execuções que consigno em No Meio das Galinhas não é de modo algum o total de exe-cuções no Brasil, no período entre 1833 e 1876, pois so fiz pesquisas sistemáticas nas fontes do Rio, de Minas [Gérais] e de São Paulo. Mas é sem dúvida a maioria.”

14 On the Brazilian state’s reliance on Portguese jurisprudence especially in the area of family law see, e.g., Lewin, Linda, Surprise Heirs, 2 vols. (Stanford University Press, 2003).Google Scholar

15 de Padua Fleury, Conselheiro André Augusto, Parecer sobre o presidio de Fernando de Noronha (Rio: Imprensa Nacional, 1880), p. 15;Google Scholar On improper sentencing, DrSouza Ban-deira Filho, Antonio Herculano de. Informações sobre of presidio de Fernando de Noronha (Rio: Imprensa Nacional, 1880), p. 21.Google Scholar Two scholars suggest that courts did not sentence free convicts to galés, but Table I clearly shows that this was not the case. Brown, , “Ά Black Mark on Our Legislation,’” p. 104;Google Scholar and Auderheide, , “Order and Violence,” p. 307.Google Scholar

16 Ruschenberger, W.S.W, Three Years in the Pacific Including Notices of Brazil, Chile, Bolivia, and Peru (Philadelphia: Carey, Lea, and Blanchard, 1834), p. 28;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Ribeiro, , No meio das galinhas, p. 58.Google Scholar

17 In his diaries, Pedro II noted his opposition to the death penalty. Vianna, Hélio, ed., “Diário de 1862,” Anuãrio do Museu Imperial 17 (1956), pp. 19, 76;Google Scholar Diary entries for May 31, 1890 and June 15, 1890 in the Arquivo Histórico do Museu Imperial, Coleção Pedro d’Orléans e Bragança, Catalogo Β, Maço 35, Doc. 1,057.1 thank Roderick J. Barman for sharing these sources on Pedro IPs opinions of the death penalty.

18 Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estetistica [IBGE], Estatísticas históricas do Brasil, 2nd ed. (Rio: IBGE, 1990), pp. 31–33.

19 Moráis, Evaristo de, Prisões e Instituições Penitenciárias no Brasil (Rio: Liv. Ed. Conselheiro C. de Oliveira, 1923), p. 35.Google Scholar

20 On the relative size of penal populations, Beattie, Peter M, “Conscription Versus Penal Servitude: Army Reform’s Influence on the Brazilian State’s Management of Social Contrai, 1870-1930,” Journal of Social History 32:4 (Summer 1999), pp. 847–878;CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed For example, the Warden of Recife’s Casa de Detenção noted, “Without the help of public funds, I mounted some workshops and gave work to hundreds of prisoners who distracted themselves and found means for an honest life.” But after four years, he could no longer afford to support these efforts and they ceased. de Almeida, Rufino Augusto, Estado actual das prisões da provincia de Pernambuco (Recife: Typ. De M. Figeroa, 1874), pp. 11, 40–41.Google Scholar

21 Tenente Coronel Comandante José Maria Ildefonso Jácom de Viega Pessòa ao Presidente José Ildefonso de Souza Ramos, Fernando de Noronha, 1 Setembro 1850, APPJE, livro FN-4A, f. 263. Data for 1844 found in Aquino Pessoa, Gláucia Tomaz de, Cardemos de pesquisa: Fernando de Noronha, urna ilha-presídio nos trópicos (Rio: Ministerio de Justiça Arquivo Nacional, 1994), p. 17;Google Scholar For 1865 see Moráis, , Prisões, p. 35;Google Scholar Relatório da Repartição dos Negocios do Ministério da Guerra Apresentado ao Parlamento (Rio: Imprensa Nacional, 1870); “Relatório… de Gusmão Coelho,” APPJE, 1891.

22 Alexandre de Barros e Albuquerque ao Adolpho de Barros, Fernando de Noronha, 3 Sept. 1879, APPJE, livro FN-19, f. 293.

23 Souza Bandeira noted that authorities in Recife’s Casa de Detenção sent prisoners to Fernando de Noronha to releave overcrowded cells without the authorization of imperial authorities in Informações, 18.

24 Livro de matricula, 1865; Livro de matricula, 1885.

25 Carpenter, Frank D.Y., Round About Rio (Chicago: Jansen, McClurg & Company, 1884), pp. 328–329.Google Scholar I thank Tracy Alexander and Β. J. Barickman for sharing this citation.

26 Journal do Comercio, Rio, , May 20, 1879;Google Scholar Arauto de Minas, São João d’el Rey, July 14, 1881; Observations about slave lynchings originally cited in Ribeiro, , No meio das galinhas, 285–86, 292, 303, 304, 308;Google Scholar Fleury referred to slave lynchings as “acts of sedition and barbarism” in Parecer, 15; Davis, David Brion, From Homicide to Slavery: Studies in American Culture (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), p. 22.Google Scholar

27 Francisco Joaquim Pereira Lobo ao Pres. José Manoel de Freitas, Fernando de Noronha, Apr. 20, 1884, APPJE, livro FN-23, no f. nos.

28 Ao rogo do supplicante Antonio Ferreira [por Liberalino Rodrigues Machado] ao Generalissimo Chefe do Governo Provisorio dos Estados Unidos do Brasil (hereafter EUB), Fernando de Noronha, 20 May 1890, APPJE, livro FN-29, f. 197.

29 Slave convict and ex-slave in this case study are one and the same. To limit confusion, however, I privilege the term slave convict in the text, but “ex-slave” appears in citations and some analysis. In 1875, a report indicated that four male and female slaves were resident on the island. ‘Relação,” Fernando de Noronha, 1 Jan. 1876, APEJE, FN-17, f. 145–179.

30 [Agostinho Marques] Malheiro, Perdigão, A escravidão no Brasil: ensaio histórico, jurídico, social 2 vols. 3rd ed. [1st ed. 1867–69] (Petropolis: Vozes, 1976), I, pp. 17–75, 95, 181-183; II, pp. 123124;Google Scholar The citation was translated into English in Conrad, Robert E, Children of God’s Fire: A Documentary History of Black Slavery in Brazil (Penn State University Press, 1994), pp. 237–245.Google Scholar

31 Francisco Joaquim Pereira Lobo ao Presidente Conde de Baependy, Fernando de Noronha, 16 Sept. 1868, APEJE, livro FN-13, f. 380.

32 One inspector observed that convict scriveners copied vital information from guias which they could manipulate. He complained that records were often imcomplete. Souza Bandeira, , Informações, pp. 11, 13.Google Scholar

33 The slave João Bras is listed as the former slave of the Bronice de Itu in an 1889 petition. Joaquim Agripino Furtado Mendonça ao Presidente Innocencio Marques d'Araujo Goes, Fernando de Noronha, 5 Jan. 1889, APPJE, livro FN-28, f. 94.

34 Fleury, , Parecer, p. 15. Google Scholar

35 Beattie, Peter M, The Tribute of Blood: Army, Honor, Race, and Nation 1864–1945 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2001), chapter 7.Google Scholar

36 Matriculation books show that convicts were tried in more than 270 municipalités across Brazil. Only 133 of 1,058 cases came from provincial capitals and the national capital, and more than half of these (72) came from Recife. Many small towns contributed only one convict to the colony’s population, but some smaller Pernambucan towns produced many: Pão de Alho (30), Bonito (20), Limoeiro (19), Goiana (15), Victoria (15), and Escada (14). Livro de matricula, 1865 and Livro de matricula, 1885.

37 Confusion over one minor’s sentence is telling. While his prison record noted that he had been sentence to perpetual galleys, the commander confirmed that “because he was a minor he was sentenced to 20 years imprisonment.” Joaquim Agripino Furtado Mendonça ao Presidente Pedro Vicente de Azevedo, Fernando de Noronha, 22 Sept. 1887, APPJE, FN-26, f. 278; Ribeiro, , No meio das galinhas, pp. 525–530.Google Scholar

38 Free and slave convicts did conspire together. The slave convict Marcai escaped with five free inmates in 1884. Brigadeiro Francisco Joaquim Pereira Lobo ao Presidente José Manoel de Freitas, Fernando de Noronha, 22 Apr. 1884, APPJE, FN-23, no f. nos. ; for another escape of free and slave convicts, Ibid., Tenente Coronel Sebastiao Antonio do Regó Barros ao Presidente João Pedro Carvalho de Moraes, 23 Set 1875, FN-16, f. 469–470; another Commander noted that three prisoners plotted crimes together and terrorized other convicts. One of them was “Sebastiao, known as Kangaroo, ex-slave of Pedro Antonio de Sá Cavalcante” and the other two were free men. One of the free men, Vicente de Assis Tavares, wrote a petition asking to be liberated from one of the island’s few prison cells. He wrote, “Igualdade e fraternidade deve ser a bandeira existente entre os sentenciados.” Ibid., Director Luiz Paulino de Hollanda Valença ao Presidente Manoel Alves de Araujo, 6 Nov. 1889, FN-28, f. 466; Ibid., Do sentenciado pobre Vicente de Assis Tavares ao Director Luiz Paulino de Hollanda Valença, 2 Nov. 1889, FN-28, f. 467-8. Slave and free convicts also figured among the main conspirators in a suppressed 1854 inmate uprising, Tenente Coronel Commandante José Antonio Pinto ao Presidente José Bento da Cunha Figueredo, Fernando de Noronha, Jan. 29, 1854, APEJE, FN-6, f. 26.

39 Bandeira, Souza, Informações, p. 25.Google Scholar

40 This is why the director refers to 263 ex-slave convicts, but based on all entries, this article refers to 264.

41 The Sexagenarian Law freed slaves over 65 immediately, but it required that slaves 60 to 64 continue to provide service until they reached age 65.

42 J. Dos Passo Queiroz ao Innocencio Marques d’Araujo Goes, Fernando de Noronha, 20 Apr. 1889, APPJE, livro FN-28, f. 261.

43 Guias… 1830–1837; Ribeiro, , No Meio das galinhas, p. 284.Google Scholar

44 Beattie, , The Tribute of Blood, chapter 6.Google Scholar

45 Guias… 1830–1837; This estímate is quite conservative as Souza Bandeira Filho noted that there were 300 slave convicts on the island when he visited it in 1879. Bandeira, Souza, Informações, p. 17.Google Scholar

46 Similarly, a list of slaves who entered a Rio de Janeiro prison in 1857 and 1858 did not include a category for color. Série Justiça, Fundo ND, Seção de Guarda Codes, Rio, 1857–1858, ANR, livro IVJ 7 2.

47 Mattos, Hebe Maria, Das cores do siléncio: Os significados de liberdade no sudeste escravista— Brasil século XIX 2nd Ed. (Rio: Nova Fronteira, 1995), pp. 96–103;Google Scholar Another study on color and public documentation is da Cünha, Olivia Gomes, Intenção e gesto: pessoa, cor e a produção da (in)diferença no Rio de Janeiro, 1927–1942 (Rio de Janeiro: Arquivo Nacional, 2002).Google Scholar One inspector complained that penal colony authorities had no description of an inmate who escaped on a raft. Bandeira, Souza, Infor-mações, p. 13.Google Scholar

48 “Fernando Noronha: The Penal Settlement of Brazil,” Scribner’s Monthly (Feb. 1876), p. 538. I thank Dain Borges for sharing this source with me.

49 The report also notes that 44 women lived in consensual unions (“amaziadas”) with convicts, but it does not inform whether they were amaziadas with widower, married, or bachelor convicts. “Relatório… Gusmão Coelho,” APPJE, f. 2.

50 Conselheiro Fleury cited in Moráis, , Prisões, pp. 79–80;Google Scholar On “vices” and slavery, Beattie, Peter M, “The Disputed Sale of the Slave Silvestre: Mental Health, Sexuality, Corporal Punishment and ‘Vices’ in Recife, Brazil, 1869–1878,” Estudios Interdisciplinarios de America Latina y El Caribe 16:1 (2005), pp. 41–65.Google Scholar

51 Padre José Esteves Viaria to the Presidio Commander, Fernando de Noronha, 20 June 1876, (recopied June 25, 1881), APPJE, livro FN-21, no f. nos; Pedrosa Costa, Marcos Paulo, “O Caos ressur-girá da ordem: Fernando de Noronha e a reforma prisional no Império” (Dissertação, Universidade Federai de Paraiba, 2007), Ch. 2.Google Scholar

52 Sienes, Robert W, Na Senzala uma flor:Esperanças e recordações da familia escrava—Brasil, sudeste século XIX (Rio: Nova Fronteira, 1999), pp. 86, 148–180;Google Scholar Barickman, B.J., “A Bit of Land, Which They Call ‘Roça’: Slave Provision Grounds in the Banian Recõncavo, 1780–1860” Hispanic American Historical Review 74:4 (Nov. 1994), pp. 649–687;Google Scholar Motta, José Flávio, Corpos escravos, von-tades livres: Posse de cativos e familia escrava em Bananal (São Paulo: ed. Blume, Anna, 1999), pp. 209–225;, 289–354Google Scholar; Florentino, Manolo, A Paz das senzalas: familias escravas e trafico atlántico, Rio de Janeiro, c.1790 – c.1850 (Rio: Civilização Brasileira 1997), pp. 147–178;Google Scholar Castro Faria, Sheila de, A Colo-nia em movimento: Fortuna e familia no cotidiano colonial (Rio: Nova Fronteira, 1998), pp. 312–322;Google Scholar Schwartz, Stuart B, Sugar Plantations in the Formation of Brazilian Society: Bahia /550–1835 (Vol. 22 of Cambridge Latin American Studies) (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), pp. 382–394;Google Scholar and Borges, Dain Edward, The Family in Bahia Brazil, 1870–1945 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992), p. 64.Google Scholar

53 Parecer, Rio de Janeiro, Nov. 6, 1854, Arquivo do Visconde de Uruguai, pasta Recurso ao Poder Moderador, Instituto Histórico Geografico Brasileiro, Rio de Janeiro. Cited in Souza, Soares e, “Os escravos e a pena de morte,” p. 17.Google Scholar On slave marriage, Malheiro, Perdigão, A escravidão no Brasil, I, pp. 59–61.Google Scholar

54 Barickman, , “Reading the 1835 Parish Censuses,” p. 318.Google Scholar

55 In imperial Brazil, the right to vote hinged on whether one was a head of household (unless one held a commissioned military officer’s rank or an advanced degree). The law assumed that household dependents lacked the liberty to vote their conscience. Barickman, , “Reading the 1835 Parish Censuses,” pp. 318–319;Google Scholar Similarly, the law shielded married heads of household who provided for and protected their wives and dependents from coercive military recruitment, a duty that police officials often used to punish free poor patriarchs who did not live up to their marital obligations. Slaves were legally exempt from military impressment because they were the private property of citizens, but they sometimes ran away and joined the military posing as freemen. Beattie, The Tribute of Blood, ch. 2.

56 Francisco Joaquim Pereira Lobo ao Sancho de Barros Pimental, Fernando de Noronha, 13 Dee. 1884, APPJE, livro FN-23, no f. nos.

57 “Director Joaquim de Gusmão Coelho ao Cidadão Desembargador José Antonio Correia da Silva, Presidente do Estado de Pernambuco, Relação nominal dos sentenciados, sentenciadas, e deportados que seguem a bordo do vapor Beberibe,” Fernando de Noronha, 19 Nov 1890, APPJE, livro FN-29, f. 381–2; References to same-sex “marriages” among convicts on Fernando de Noronha date to at least 1797. See, e.g., Carta de Bernardo Luis Ferreira Portugal ao Illmo. e Exmo. Dom Francisco de Souza Coutinho, Para, Dez. 26, 1797, Biblioteca Nacional Rio de Janeiro, Seção de Manuscritos, código 07-04-041.

58 Bandeira, Souza, Informações, pp. 19, 23, 29;Google Scholar Fleury, , Parecer, p. 15.Google Scholar

59 Bandeira, Souza, Informações, pp. 12, 28–29;Google Scholar Fluery, , Parecer, pp. 8–9, 16.Google Scholar The governor’s concern arose after abusive flogging of free convicts were highlighted in the opposition press. See, “Ilha de Fernando,” O Liberal Recife Sept. 28, 1871 (newspaper clipping found in APPJE, livro FN-15, f. 253); “Fernando Noronha,” Scribner’s Monthly, p. 538; A list of convicts flogged and their infractions can be found in Antonio de Campos Mello ao Manuel do Nascimento Machado Portela, Fernando de Noronha, 23 Oct. 1871, APEJE, livro FN-15, f. 253.

60 Francisco Joaquim Pereira Lobo ao José Antonio de Souza Lima, Fernando de Noronha, 11 Nov. 1881, APPJE, livro FN-21, no f. nos. The argument that authorities only shackled men as punishment for criminal infractions is confirmed by an American journalist who reported: “The only fettered man on the island was here a large boned, flabby, ungainly, scowling individual, evidently despised by his fellow prisoners for having murdered a man in his sleep.” “Fernando Noronha,” Scribner’s Monthly, pp. 538–539.

61 Francisco Joaquim Pereira Lobo ao José Antonio de Souza Lima, Fernando de Noronha, 11 Nov. 1881, APPJE, livro FN-21, no f. nos.

62 “Relatório,” Noronha, Fernando de, 1 Jan. 1884, APPJE, livro FN-23, f. 22–24.Google Scholar

63 Ibid.; “Fernando Noronha,” Scribner’s Monthly, pp. 538–539.

64 Conrad, Robert E, The Destruction of Brazilian Slavery, 1850–1888 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972);CrossRefGoogle Scholar Beattie, , The Tribute of Blood, pp. 95–98.Google Scholar

65 One report noted 59 petitions from 1884 to 1888 from free and slave convicts. Joaquim Agripino Furtado Mendonça ao Ignacio Joaquim de Souza, “Mapa de recursos de graças,” Fernando de Noronha, 18 Feb. 1888, APPJE, livro FN-27, f. 36-40; On stamps, Commandante Alexandre de Barros e Albuquerque ao Presidente Adolpho de Barros, Fernando de Noronha, 26 Junho 1878, APPJE, FN-18, f. 227.

66 Joaquim Agripino Furtado Mendonça ao João Rodrigues Chaves, Fernando de Noronha, 12 July 1885, APPJE, livro FN-24, no f. nos; Joaquim Agripino Furtado Mendonça ao Barão de Souza Leão, Fernando de Noronha, 15 June 1889, APPJE, livro FN-28, f. 322.

67 Joaquim Agripino Furtado Mendonça ao João Rodrigues Chaves, Fernando de Noronha, 20 May 1885, APEJE, livro, FN-24, no f. nos; Joaquim Agripino Furtado Mendonça ao Barão de Souza Leão, Fernando de Noronha, 15 June 1889, APEJE, FN-28, f. 322; Another letter shows that the slave convict Marçal Correia was pardoned and returned to Recife on 13 May 1889. Director Luiz Paulino de Hollanda Valença ao Presidente Manoel Alves de Araujo, Fernando de Noronha, 17 Nov. 1889, APEJE, livro FN-28, f. 479.

68 Joaquim Agripino Furtado Mendonça ao Pedro Vicente de Azevedo, Fernando de Noronha, 20 May 1887, APEJE, livro FN-26, f. 156; Similarly, Pedro pardoned the slave Cesario on 23 April 1886 as published in the Diário Official according to Director Gonçalvez Pereira Lima ao Vice Presidente Igná-cio Joaquim de Souza Leão, Fernando de Noronha, 13 May 1886, APEJE, livro FN-25, f. 167;“Constando do Diário Official numero 94 de 5 de Abril ultimo que forão perdoados os sentenciados Manoel Francisco dos Santos conhecido por Gongo, Antonio Justino Riberio, e Francisco Angola os quaes nesta data faço embarcar.” Joaquim Agripino Furtado Mendonça ao João Rodrigues Chaves, 20 May 1885, APEJE, livro FN-24, no f. nos; Also see pardon for João Marques, Copia do Guia do Sentenciado João Marques, escravo que foi dos Frades Benedictos de Olinda, Fernando de Noronha, 2 Julho 1878, APEJE, livro FN-18, f. 255.

69 Director Justino Rodrigues da Silveira ao Cidadão General Governador do Estado de Pernambuco (no name given), Fernando de Noronha, 17 Dec. 1889, APPJE, livro FN 28, f. 496.

70 Ao rogo do Supplicante Francisco de Assis (por Sobel Henriques de Miranda) ao Cidadao Chefe do Governo Provisorio dos EUB, Fernando de Noronha, 21 May 1890, APPJE, livro FN-29, f. 268.

71 Carta de Manoel de Miranda ao Cidadao Generalissimo Chefe do Governo Provisorio dos EUB, 5 May 1890, APPJE, livro FN-29, f. 189; Director Justino Rodriguez da Silveira ao Cidadao Maréchal Governador Provisorio dos EUB, Ibid., 20 May 1890, f. 188.

72 Cadete João da Costa Medeiros Sobrinho ao Cidadão General e Chefe do Governo Provisorio dos EUB, Fernando de Noronha, 8 Jan. 1890, APPJE, livro FN-29, f. 4.

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74 Of 205 ex-slave convicts found in matriculation records, the emperor had pardoned some 30 slave convicts before the Nov. 15, 1889 coup. 34 other slave convicts died on the island between 1887 and 1891 on Fernando de Noronha. Livro da Matricula … 1865; Livro da Matricula … 1885. Correspondence shows that while some slaves returned to the continent in 1889, larger numbers began to return in 1890, and continued to return into 1892. See, e.g., Director Joaquim de Gusmão Coelho ao Cidadão Desembargador José Antonio Correla da Silva, Presidente do Estado de Pernambuco, Fernando de Noronha, 19 Nov 1890, APPJE, livro FN-29, f. 386; Ibid., “Relação nominal dos sentenciados, sentenciadas, e deportados que seguem a bordo do vapor Beberibe,” 19 Nov. 1890, f. 381–2. Other slave convicts who had served only a brief part of their sentences continued in the colony. Pessoa, , Cadernos, p. 54.Google Scholar

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95 A rare analysis of whiteness in Brazil can be found in Lewin, Linda, “Who Was Ό Grande Romano?’ Geneological Purity, The Indian ‘Past’ and Whiteness in Brazil’s Northeastern Backlands,” Journal of Latin American Lore 19:1–2 (Summer-Winter 1996), pp. 129–179;Google Scholar see the cartoons of President Nilo Peçanha (1909–1910) that depict him as a capoeira in an unsubtle reference to his partial African ancestry. Lustosa, Isabel, Historias de Presidentes: A República no Catete (Petrópolis, Vozes, 1989), p. 56.Google Scholar

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