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The Canadian Legal Profession
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 20 November 2018
Abstract
This article seeks to weave together the limited information available on the legal professions of the Canadian provinces. Following the same general format as the other comparative studies in this series, it also offers several critical observations of special interest to readers in the United States, whose experience the Canadian bar so closely tracks. The phenomenon of stratification—familiar to American observers—is clearly visible in the Canadian legal profession. Combined with other centrifugal forces, it threatens the unity of a profession which, until recently, has managed to preserve a high degree of cohesion in training, ideology, and institutional structures. On the other hand, in certain respects, the Canadian experience seems to differ from that of the United States, especially in the strength and peculiar structure of publicly funded legal aid schemes, in the profession's continuing formal autonomy and relative immunity from public regulation, and in its long-lasting attachment to apprenticeship as a necessary stage in professional formation. These and other convergences and divergences between the two countries raise questions of general significance: To what extent do the similarities between Canada and the United States verify the assumption implicit in the theoretical literature (principally Abel, Freidson, and Larson) that there is an empirical referent for something called legal professionalism? And to what extent do the differences suggest that containing societies contribute distinctive characteristics to their legal professions, whose qualities are therefore highly contingent?
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References
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207 Smith & Tepperman, supra note 60, suggest that community activities by members of the legal elite may be less common than formerly. Nonetheless, members of elite firms (not necessarily senior members) seem to be overrepresented in professional government (see text following supra note 117) and in various aspects of legal education.Google Scholar
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218 E.g., in Ontario, the law society is involved in two current lawsuits on the point, see Can. Law., April 1984, at 5. Similar litigation has occurred in Nova Scotia, McFetridge v. Nova Scotia Barristers' Soc'y, 123 D.L.R. 475 (N.S.C.A. 1981); and in British Columbia, Jabour v. Law Soc'y of British Columbia, 137 D.L.R. 3d 1 (Can. 1982).Google Scholar
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225 Finlayson, G., The Lawyer as a Professional, 14 L.S.U.C. Gaz. 229 (1980). The author, who is the treasurer (presiding officer) of the law society, denounced the “role of the lawyer as a social advocate” in immigration, environmental, and civil rights matters, admonishing newly called lawyers: “[D]on't hype yourself up with high sounding titles—Barrister and Solicitor says it all” (at 235).Google Scholar
226 See, e.g., id. at 235: “Please remember that you are not law professors, students of human behaviour or social or political scientists. You are lawyers first and last.” Finlayson also draws a line between those who “may wish to leave the profession at some point in time to become politicians, sociologists, government bureaucrats, and many other honourable callings” and those who “choose to practise law in the traditional sense: the representation of a client in any sphere.”Google Scholar
227 Using such appointments as an index of professional prestige and recognition, it may be said that law teachers have recently moved up in ranking, as reflected in their appointments to the Supreme Court of Canada, the higher provincial courts, law reform commissions, and the like.Google Scholar
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