Read's (1974) discussion of contingency table analysis is amplified. Procedures for model formulation and testing advocated by Fienberg (1970) and Goodman (1968, 1969, 1970) are outlined, contrasted, and used to analyze a corpus of archaeological data. It is argued that Fienberg's approach is better suited to situations in which the behavior of the data can be accurately predicted within fairly narrow limits. The Goodman approach is more appropriate to situations in which the behavior of the data is completely unknown.

Eastern North American was the scene of significant and complex cultural developments which go back to man’s earliest penetration into mid-continent through the ice-free corridor from Alaska probably more than 30,000 years ago. The most extensive remains of Early Man’s culture in the New World are in the Southeast where several stages of development can be demonstrated. Following the Wisconsin Glacial period the descendants of the Early Lithic hunters-gatherers began the gradual adjustment to a variety of ecological environments that gave rise to distinctive regional or zonal Archaic complexes in the East. By late Archaic times burial ceremonialism was a prominent feature of several complexes scattered from the Northeast into the Great Lakes and Ohio Valley. The Woodland cultures of the East such as Adena and Hopewell developed upon a local Archaic base without new and different populations bringing exotic cultural ideas to the East. The major new traits of the Woodland period may be seen as developing internally or as the result of independent diffusion at various times from outside stimuli. The changes from Woodland cultures to those of the Mississipian Late Prehistoric reflect a reorientation of sociocultural institutions resulting from an improved economic base and an increased population. Recent studies document the former existence of extensive trade among various peoples over a long time but especially prominent during the Hopewellian or Middle Woodland period. Increased information on settlement patterns often indicates complex adaptations in habitation and living patterns to insure maximum utilization of natural resources. Clearly much remains to be done in eastern North American archaeology. We are far from knowing the answers to many complex problems in this highly important area. New methods and techniques now being used will greatly increase the efficiency of our data collecting and the inferences that may be drawn from these data.

Dietary, paleoclimatic, and ethnohistoric evidence indicates that alterations in regional systems of exploitation and selective pressures were associated with the diffusion of farming in unrelated periods of Southwestern and Great Basin cultural development. Artifacts and coprolite/macrofloral remains from the Clydes Cavern and Hogup Cave Fremont sites suggest that the spread of maize farming coincided with: (a) the development of grass collecting; (bj the expansion of a grassland environment; (c) outside cultural contacts; and (dj genetic modifications in corn. Ethnohistoric evidence indicates that the diffusion ofNuma horticulture in the early historic period also occurred in a context of environmental change. However, unlike the Fremont example in which natural environmental modifications were present, the spread of Numa farming occurred as a result of disruptions to the native plant communities and the seed gathering cycle caused by external cultural pressures. Both examples demonstrate that while the specific reasons for the adoption and growth of farming differed depending upon the regional situation, the overall pattern of horticultural diffusion in the Southwest and Great Basin may have been favored by selective pressures involving environmental alteration, population expansion and contact influences.

The Hawken site is a steep-sided arroyo into which small groups of bison were driven and slaughtered. The bison, which date about 4500 B.C. during the Altithermal period, are an extinct variant (B. bison occidentalis) and are morphologically intermediate between B. bison antiquus and B. bison bison. The projectile points are in the Altithermal period Side-Notched tradition and the butchering tools are similar to those found in many bison kill sites from the Paleoindian to the end of the Late Prehistoric period. Continuity of bison procurement methods from Paleoindian through Altithermal and into post-Altithermal times is suggested.

The 600 square mile volcanic area of the Sierra Pinacate, in extreme northwestern Sonora, Mexico, comprises a unique geologic and ecologic enclave in which archaeological remains have been undisturbed by erosion. Situated in an essentially waterless desert, its semipermanent waterholes have been foci of human activity since man's first entry into the region. Three geologic phenomena indicate the chronology of artifacts in the region. Desert pavements formed by aeolian deflation of loess are altithermal phenomena. Two degrees of thickness of desert varnish on pavement and associated artifacts provide evidence that man was present during a pluvial period preceding an altithermal episode centering around 17,000 B.C., as well as throughout the well-known Pluvial period. The formation of caliche below ground level helps place excavated artifacts in sequence. M. J. Rogers' term “Malpais” is revived and assigned to the earlier pluvial occupation, basal to “San Dieguito Phase I (SD I)” of the Pluvial. Diagnostic criteria which involve both archaeologic and geologic elements have been developed for both periods, and their extension to related areas is briefly discussed.

Erosion can produce heterogeneous distributions of cultural materials of differing densities, weights, and shapes within an archaeological site. A large, provenienced surface collection from a preceramic site in highland Peru is examined for evidence of downslope movement as an explanation for observed heterogeneity in artifact distribution. Statistical methods of spatial analysis are used to define the extent of movements of surface materials in this site. For this particular area of Peru, critical angles for downslope movement will limit the site areas in which analysis of horizontal distributions can be expected to produce culturally significant information.

Analysis of the style of architecture and related sculpture, contemporaneous with part of the Late Classic period, prevalent in what have traditionally been designated as the Rio Bee and Chenes regions of the Maya lowlands, suggests the advisability of reconsideration of these regional designations. The Rio Bee and Chenes styles cannot readily be differentiated either in time or space and are, therefore, appropriately no more than substyles in a wider Central Yucatan regional style. In this style, internal distinctions are markedly less than those between other regional styles of the Maya lowlands. Further, on the basis of these same architectural and sculptural considerations, the Central Yucatan style is more appropriately the first phase of the Florescent period of Yucatan than the middle of the Late Classic period of the Peten with which it is contemporaneous.

The function of archaeological mushroom stones has been subject to various speculations. Recently their explanation as ritual objects, associated with the ceremonial consumption of hallucinogenic mushrooms, seems on its way to general acceptance. The subsequent analysis refutes such an interpretation and reveals their real function as potters’ molds.

A method of chronological seriation and a system of collecting data for it were devised to cope with certain practical and theoretical inadequacies of other methods. The method and collecting system are described in the context of solving problems encountered in the course of a particular archaeological study. It is believed that the method described here will be of use to others. Finally, some implications of this kind of seriation for the way in which ceramics change are discussed.

The science of archaeology is based on a multi-leveled interdisciplinary system of descriptions, laws, and explanations. Archaeologists try to provide systemic descriptions and to confirm hypotheses about past social structures on the assumption that they are represented by selected parts of extant material remains. Inferences are about and based on processes and relations among social structure, material culture, and its unaltered, altered, and selected remains. Archaeological inference depends on principles of cultural behavior, the accumulation and alteration of material, and archaeologists' methods. These physico-chemical, geological, biological, psychological, sociological, anthropological, and methodological principles derive from the present behavior of men and material.

With the death on January 23, 1975, of Matthew W. Stirling, pioneer archaeologist, ethnolo-gist, and the discoverer of the Olmec civilization, American archaeology has lost one of its grand men. He is survived by his wife, Marion, a son, Matthew, his daughter Ariana, and one grandchild.

Matt was born in Salinas, California, on August 28, 1896. His father was manager for the Southern Pacific Milling Co. and was in charge of establishing warehouses in the Salinas Valley, so he lived in various small towns while growing up. While a boy and young man, he also spent considerable time on the ranches of his grandfather Williams (for whom he was named) near Gonzalez and Salinas, in a milieu that has provided the setting for some of the novels of John Steinbeck, an old family friend who often discussed the pioneer days with Matt’s maiden aunts, Did and Bee.

The obsidian artifact distribution in some 13,000 m3 of excavated fill from 17 Maya sites is analyzed. Large regional centers, characterized by abundant monumental art and architecture, have five times more obsidian per capita than do smaller centers. Central place redistribution, rather than central place market exchange (Rathje 1971), appears to be the best organizational mode for this long-distance trade. That is, obsidian in the Late Preclassic-Early Classic was a status good reflecting religious and political behavior. Its everyday use was largely restricted to elite households. By the Late Classic increases in transport efficiency may have permitted a more widespread usage of obsidian.

Some questions concerning the Postclassic Peten can be answered by systematic use of ethnohistoric sources with archaeological data. A review and re-analysis of these data for the Itza capital Tayasal are presented. A plausible argument is formulated for a relocation of the ethnohistoric Tayasal as the archaeologically recognized Postclassic site of Topoxte in Lake Yaxha, Guatemala. It is further argued that a closer correlation of the ethnohistoric data with the archaeological record and a complete re-analysis of other pertinent data may prove useful to the archaeologist when confronted with conflicting interpretations or concepts.

The Ixil differ from other Mesoamerican societies in their extensive ancestor worship and their absence of a belief in animal companion spirits. The historical and archaeological evidence shows Ixil continuity with the lowland Classic Maya with comparatively little change during the Postclassic. The conclusion is tentatively drawn that the lowland Classic Maya were ancestor worshipers, and that the predominant characteristic of those Postclassic changes outside IxU country which led to the demise of Classic ceremonial centers in some areas and the later fragmentation of political units in others, derived from a basic religious change which was reflected in a change in the use of the 260-day ritual calendar. The new religion opposed ancestor worship and introduced a depersonalized soul belief system.

About A.D. 950, 11 persons of a small Anasazi settlement on Burnt Mesa north of the San Juan River, New Mexico, were butchered, mutilated and possibly roasted. The group's mixed remains were left strewn over a pithouse floor. Nearly all the bones were smashed and splintered. Some of them were burned, some show cut marks, and all exhibit greenstick breaks. Cannibalism is the most reasonable explanation for the patterned destruction. Starvation or necessity, rather than ritual or religious configuration, seem to best explain why the cannibalism occurred.

The shift from llama pastoralism to potato agriculture in the Jauja-Huancayo basin of highland Peru has previously been considered a result of the Wari conquest. An alternative hypothesis, based on population pressure, is suggested here. As an adjunct to the description of population distribution, the concepts of an exploitable territory threshold model and of site catchment as a part of central place theory are explored.