Paleobotanical samples recovered from the floors of three domestic structures at an early historic (A.D. 1550-1700) site in northwestern Georgia are here compared. Several factors-excavation procedures, duration of structure occupancy, functional nature of structures, nature and timing of structure abandonment-which probably contributed to inter-sample variability are discussed. Consideration of the frequency of individual plant species in the samples and of the ethnohistorical evidence for aboriginal plant processing leads to the conclusion that most variability can be attributed to whether or not structures burned and when during the year burning occurred. The analysis demonstrates that the manner in which plant parts become carbonized has a major impact on the accuracy with which paleobotanical remains reflect actual plant utilization.

Archaeological and ethnohistoric data on the Chimu and Inca empires, two prehistoric Peruvian states that shared a number of organizational features, are used to test the theory of cultural materialism. Materialist explanations of Inca expansionism are evaluated; they are shown to be unconvincing in the Inca case and inapplicable to the Chimu. An alternative model is proposed that emphasizes the role of a particular legal principle, split inheritance. The presence of split inheritance in the two empires is documented. It is argued that in both cases split inheritance originated through manipulation of traditional elements of Andean ideology, was the driving force behind imperial expansion, and generated administrative and economic stresses eventually leading to imperial collapse. This model avoids the flaws of the materialist explanations it is intended to replace, and the theory of cultural materialism is rejected.

Skeletal material from high and low status interments at Monte Alban, Oaxaca, is used to evaluate the biocultural relationship between the two samples. Analyses of sex ratios, and metric and nonmetric variables fail to demonstrate a significant difference between the two groups, and suggest that class endogamy was unlikely. Analysis of the age structure of the samples provides evidence for a significant difference; social mobility and status achievement are suggested. Models of the growth and development of Monte Alban are evaluated in light of the biocultural analyses.

Radiocarbon dates from marine mammal tissue present Arctic archaeologists with some difficult interpretive problems. These problems are so serious that McGhee and Tuck have even advocated omitting all sea mammal dates from the Eastern Arctic radiocarbon chronology. A flexible approach to interpreting sea mammal dates will allow researchers to use existing dates more effectively and to make future dates more reliable. Solving the problems with sea mammal dates requires: (1) abandoning the assumption that radiocarbon assays are quasi-absolute chronological indicators; (2) recognizing and understanding the sources of variability that affect these dates; (3) correcting for these sources of variability; and (4) developing a more flexible strategy for interpreting the resulting date sequence. A large table of radiocarbon dates from the Eastern Arctic provides the basis for demonstrating how these four steps can be accomplished. Applying this flexible approach also suggests directions and guidelines for future research.

This article refutes Turnbaugh's (1979) thesis that explains the origin and spread of the calumet ceremony by proceeding from Wallace's (1956) model of nativistic movements. It presents ethnohistoric and archaeological evidence for the origin of the calumet prior to A.D. 1634 on the Great Plains and explains its subsequent spread into the Woodlands in terms of alliances for trade and warfare.

Conrad's discussion bears little relation to the generally accepted outline of Peruvian prehistory. He presents evidence that is not evidence in support of a weak and untestable hypothesis. Since he is apparently unacquainted with a substantial body of recent and current research, he has launched superficial and absurd criticisms at the proposition that changes in climate are reflected in changes in human society and culture. Not only is this theory substantiated by a growing number of independent studies, but ironically enough Conrad joins their ranks by supporting my hypothesis about climate and culture in late prehistoric Andean cultures. His shallow arguments opposing cultural materialism do not deal with issues and are far from convincing. Altogether his work appears to belong to a previously unidentified archaeological specialty, the Archaeology of the Absurd.

Multivariate statistical techniques such as factor analysis are capable of producing patterned results with most, if not all, data matrices. This paper demonstrates that patterned results are obtainable when principal component analysis is applied to a random data set. It is suggested that Bartlett's test for the statistical significance of a correlation matrix be employed in deciding whether a factor analysis of the matrix is justified.

Linear nearest neighbor analysis is reconsidered and revised. This statistical method facilitates decisions about whether points along a line are clustered, random, or dispersed. One of its possible archaeological applications is illustrated using a set of probable housemounds along the Cabeza de la Vaca Arroyo in Veracruz, Mexico. The mounds are in a dispersed pattern. Ecological and subsistence factors offer one promising explanation for the pattern.

Obsidian production was a major component of Classic period Teotihuacan's economy, with hundreds of workshops producing cores and blades of green obsidian and bifaces of grey obsidian for distribution throughout central Mexico. Although green obsidian was evidently obtained through a state network, grey obsidian procurement was conducted independently by most workshop groups. Most production took place in residential areas beyond the major public structures of the city, but some of these craftsmen also worked periodically within the public precincts where their output would have been at the disposition of state officials. The burden of this levy fell primarily upon those sectors of the industry that were most dependent on the state for support and most involved in external distribution. However, despite this evidence of an important administered element in the Teotihuacan obsidian industry, the workshops apparently maintained their independence from the state. This may have been due to their organization in strong social units that had a long history of independent existence, and to their self-reliance in procurement and distribution during the earlier stages of the industry"s development.

Civilizations represent human ecosystems amenable to systematic geo-archaeological analysis. The civilization of Axum, spanning the first millennium A.D., had its settlement core on the now-denuded, subhumid plateau of northern Ethiopia. Axum, a new city, began A.D. 100 as a ceremonial center, growing to over 10,000 people, as a prosperous emporium for international trade. Intensified land use led to mass movements in slope soils before A.D. 300, but a range of clayey stream deposits also implicates strong periodic floods and seasonally abundant moisture. The paleoclimatic ensemble suggests that stronger and more reliable spring rains allowed two crops yearly without irrigation, compared to only one with modern summer rains. Trade declined after 600 and Axum was essentially landlocked by 715. Intense land pressure and more erratic rainfall favored soil destruction and ecological degradation during the seventh and eighth centuries. Largely abandoned by 800 and pillaged by border tribes. Axum retained only symbolic significance as power shifted to the more fertile lands of humid central Ethiopia. Axum shows how the spatial and temporal variability of resources, and the interactions between a society and its resource base, can be fundamental in the analysis of historical process.

Sanders and Price, Palerm, Carrasco, and others have argued for the utility of the theoretical formulations of "oriental despotism" and the "Asiatic mode of production" for the investigation and comprehension of Aztec political organization and society. Accordingly, it has been claimed that irrigation played an important role in the consolidation of Aztec states, that no significant private property in land existed among the Aztecs, and that government control of the economy was thoroughgoing and complete. All of these theoretically generated positions are demonstrably false, at least for the important Aztec state of Texcoco. Irrigation played no significant role in the origin or consolidation of the Texcocan state; extensive private property in land did exist among the Texcocans, and the government of Texcoco did not at all dominate the Texcocan economy. Marketing was clearly the principal mechanism within the empire for the transference of goods. The basic principles of Aztec society are to be discovered through objective examination of the ethnohistorical and archaeological data and cannot be determined through the imposition of inappropriate or outmoded theoretical formulations.

An objective methodology, based upon the rank-ordering and spatial patterning of Maya centers of the central Peten and central Yucatan zones, is used to infer developmental sequencing in the Maya Lowlands. If courtyard counts are employed as the basic measure of center importance, the Tikal and Calakmul regions each exhibit a size continuum of centers, consistent with the rank-size rule. The Rio Bec and Chenes regions exhibit a size distribution characterized by the existence of several large centers of nearly the same size, i.e., a situation of pluralism. These findings suggest that at the end of the Classic period, Tikal and Calakmul were dominant centers in economically mature regions, with a balance between external and internal growth forces. On the other hand, the later Rio Bec and Chenes centers appear to be in a state of growth redistribution or decline, their external ties truncated by the collapse to the south. Spatial patterning is less conclusive and suggests a relatively dispersed pattern of centers in all regions. The overall conclusion, especially from the frequency distributions of centers by size, is that the "periphery" (exemplified by Rio Bec-Chenes) developed first, reached a period of stasis, and developed further only on the collapse of the "core" centers (Tikal-Calakmul).

The small, hierarchically organized societies on the Northwest Coast provide excellent examplex of the evolution of social complexity in nonagricultural contexts and thus can serve as an important testing ground for current models. Available archaeological data indicate that ranking appeared on the coast between 3,000 and 2,000 years ago. It is argued here that ranking developed from the interaction of two systems constraints and two processes: subsistence specialization, environmental circumscription and population growth, and promotion. Ranking develops because, given certain conditions, it provides both improved monitoring of the environment and improved responses to environmental shifts through information flow.

This paper presents a method called column-wise seriation, which is founded on inherent properties of the sequencing problem. Although nearly all previous approaches have focused on the permutation of units, hypothetical examples illustrate that certain relationships between types must likewise exist to achieve an ideal arrangement. Further examination and exploitation of these relationships furnish a new perspective on the seriation process, and lead to a strategy which is simple in concept and practice. A computer implementation of column-wise seriation is applied to archaeological data.