Zooarchaeological hypotheses concerning prehistoric transport, processing decisions, and social stratification are often tested by correlating archaeological element frequencies with indices of the economic utility of carcass parts. Such indices have not been developed for one of the largest and most important mammals in Eastern Woodlands prehistory, the white-tailed deer (Odocoileus virginianus). We present kilocalorie (Kcal) yields and return rates of meat and marrow from a sample of several white-tailed deer. We then compare the meat and marrow data with skeletal element abundance in two Late Archaic assemblages from New York and a Middle Woodland/early Late Woodland assemblage from Illinois. In both examples, archaeological element abundance is positively correlated with marrow yield and return rate, but negatively correlated or uncorrelated with meat yield and return rate. These results do not provide evidence for differential transport of higher meat-yield carcass parts, but instead may indicate differential processing of high-yield marrow bones after entire deer carcasses were transported to the sites.

Ceramic bowls from the Greater Southwest are used to show how changes in the exterior decoration of serving vessels are associated with the proxemics of ritual performances. Across the northern Southwest the first use of exterior designs and polychrome ceramics is during the Pueblo III period, which corresponds to a shift in settlement aggregation and the use of open plaza spaces. With the transition to the more enclosed plazas of the Early Pueblo IV period, smaller and less visible exterior designs were used. The trend reversed itself with the use of larger plazas at later Pueblo IV period sites, where serving bowls with greater visual impact were used. Panregional trends are bolstered by a case study from the Mogollon Rim region of Arizona to show how changes in the visual performance characteristics of bowls are associated with the spatial and social proxemics of suprahousehold feasting rituals. I use several characteristics of serving bowls including their size, slip colors, paint and slip contrasts, and the size of exterior designs. These are related to the size and diversity of performance spaces, including plazas, and to other evidence for changes in feasting practices, such as roasting features and faunal remains. I conclude that the changes seen in serving vessels are important for looking at shifts in the scale, visibility, and diversity of public gatherings within Ancestral Pueblo social and ritual trajectories.

Pristine state government evolved among the indigenous cultures of the central Andes, but archaeologists have not demonstrated when and where. Conceptualization of the state as an integrative mechanism for gathering and processing information and for deliberating decisions provides explicit archaeological criteria for statehood. Examination of the archaeological record reveals that Middle Horizon Huari fulfills almost all of these criteria for statehood, although many data remain to be collected before the processes of prehistoric Andean state formation will be fully understood.

Large social aggregations are among the most highly organized events associated with mobile hunter-gatherers. The Bull Brook Paleoindian site in Ipswich, Massachusetts provides the strongest case for large-scale Paleoindian aggregation in North America, with 36 discrete concentrations of artifacts arranged in a large circle. Avocational archaeologists who salvaged the site in the 1950s interpreted it as a single occupation. Professionals first rejected and then revived this hypothesis, but the site remained insufficiently analyzed to evaluate. New research supports the single occupation hypothesis with a fully reconstructed site plan and the first complete analysis of artifact distributions. Clear spatial structure of activities within the ring-shaped site plan provides a window on social contexts that are also visible in smaller Paleoindian settlements.

Focusing on the southeastern United States, I provide some alternative perspectives on shell mounds previously interpreted as architectural features, temple mounds, and feasting sites. The same pattern of deposition often inferred to indicate mound construction—darker-colored, highly organic strata alternating with lighter-colored, shell-rich strata—can be accounted for by domestic midden accumulation and disposal of refuse away from living areas. Observed abundances of particular shell species can result from local or regional ecological conditions. Site complexes interpreted as architectural may have evolved largely in response to short-term climate changes. Shell rings on the Georgia and South Carolina coasts probably functioned to conserve and store unconfined water. To understand ancient shell mounds, we need a sediment-oriented approach to the study of mound deposits and more attention to the environmental contexts in which shell mounds accumulated.

A series of experiments making and using bone and antler tools show that functional identifications of these tools can be made with confidence in some circumstances. Using principles from the field of tribology, the experiments demonstrate that different uses leave different microscopic traces on bone and antler. They also show that when the materials used are similar, the wear produced will be similar. In particular, wet materials, including snow, ice, wet hide, and wet antler all produce nearly identical microscopic patterns. Other groups of similar materials, such as bone, antler, and wood, or fish scales and hair, present the same problem. Although differences can be detected, these may not be preserved on archaeological tool specimens. Application of the experimental results to bone and antler tools from the Mackenzie Delta illustrates that functional identifications of tools can be made with confidence, despite the problem of similar microscopic patterns, when other lines of evidence (ethnographic and historical accounts, distribution of wear) are taken into account. When such information is lacking, functional identifications are more difficult and must be made with more caution.

An attempt is made to view an assemblage of stone tools as something in the process of being generated over time. A formal model is developed which includes variables such as activities and tool types and also draws attention to somewhat less visible variables that enter into the formation of an assemblage such as the dropping rates of tools and mapping relations between tool types and activities. Implications of the model for the interpretation of correlation coefficients which are often used in the quantitative analysis of assemblages and also for the "functional" argument are discussed.

Human social systems are constituted at different scales; the local community, while an important organizational unit cross-culturally, has received limited archaeological study. We argue that community-centric studies in archaeology have significant potential in documenting the diversity of small-scale agricultural systems and in promoting comparative study of local societies. Using comparative data from social anthropology, we put forth a definition of community useful for the archaeologist based on three irreducible elements: social reproduction, agricultural production, and self-identification. These elements provide an ideal framework for cross-cultural comparison. We also argue that using a community approach requires certain methodological refinements, such as adopting an appropriate research scale, conducting intensive surface survey, and using analytical strategies such as labor investment and boundary maintenance. We present recently collected data from two prehistoric agricultural communities, Waiohuli in Hawai'i and Tsikwaiye in northern New Mexico, in order to illustrate the strength of this mode of research.

It has been proposed that Paleolithic studies should abandon their focus on groups and turn instead to the individual. If individuals are to emerge from the lithics-dominated Middle Paleolithic record, the best chance of success is to identify the products of learner knappers from those of their mentors. To do so we need a framework of knapping standards by which to measure Middle Paleolithic skill level. Selected measurements on a sequence of 100 subcircular Levallois tortoise core reductions by a knapper of intermediate skill were compared with 25 reductions by his highly experienced instructor. Four measures emerge as potential markers of skill level: total stone consumption during initial core preparation, consumption from the upper and lower core surface, symmetry of the first detached Levallois flake, and failure rate of that detachment by overshooting the core's rim. These markers allow us to discriminate between the work of a modern learner and his mentor, but > 30 percent were misclassified. The learning trajectory is more complex than the mere honing of skills through practice and is punctuated by increasing numbers of mentor-like reductions. It follows that skill-level measures on their own are imperfect discriminators. Personal markers other than those of skill level must be found by which to seek individuals in the Middle Paleolithic record.

Teouma, an archaeological site on Efate Island, Vanuatu, features the earliest cemetery yet discovered of the colonizers of Remote Oceania, from the late second millennium B.C. In order to investigate potential migration of seventeen human individuals, we measured isotopes of strontium (87Sr/86Sr), oxygen (δ18O), and carbon (δ13C), as well as barium (Ba) and strontium (Sr) concentrations, in tooth enamel from skeletons excavated in the first two field seasons. The majority of individuals cluster with similar isotope and Ba/Sr ratios, consistent with a diet of marine resources supplemented with plants grown on the local basaltic soils. Four outliers, with distinctive 87Sr/86Sr and δ18O, are probably immigrants, three of which were buried in a distinctive position (supine, with the head to the south) with higher Ba/Sr and δ13C, consistent with a terrestrial, nonlocal diet. Among the probable immigrants was a male buried with the crania of three of the locally raised individuals on his chest.

Since laboratory studies on skeletal variations have validated the use of non-metric osteological traits to genetically distinguish populations, a direct relationship between these traits and biological reality can be assumed. Because of this relationship, it is possible to conceive the central thesis of this paper: to the degree that any social organizational feature corresponds to the biological referents of the kinship system, osteological data can be used to elucidate that feature. The kinds of problems that might be investigated are limited by the archaeological determination of certain social units. In the present study, a method is developed to test for residence pattern. This method is applied to data from the Allegany reservation (Seneca) dating from the 1850's to 1930. Ethnohistorical sources support the conclusions of the osteological analysis.

The nearly-complete, well-preserved skeleton of a Paleoamerican male was found by chance near Kennewick, Washington, in 1996. Although analysis was quickly suspended by the U.S. government, initial osteological, archaeological, and geological studies provide a glimpse into the age and life of this individual. A radiocarbon age of 8410 ± 60 B.P., stratigraphic position in a widely-dated alluvial terrace, and an early-Cascade style projectile point healed into the pelvis date the find to the late Early Holocene. Initial osteological analysis describes the man as middle-aged, standing 173.1 ± 3.6 cm tall and weighing approximately 70-75 kg. Healthy as a child, he later suffered repeatedly from injuries to his skull, left arm, chest, and hip, in addition to minor osteoarthritis and periodontal disease. His physical features, teeth, and skeletal measurements show him to be an outlier relative to modern human populations, but place him closer to Pacific Islanders and Ainu than to Late Prehistoric Amerinds or any other modern group. Despite his uniqueness relative to modern peoples, he is not significantly different from other Paleoamerican males in most characteristics.

The idea that a substantial portion of the North American midcontinent centered on the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers confluence was largely depopulated around A.D. 1450–1550—Stephen Williams's “Vacant Quarter” hypothesis—has been generally accepted by archaeologists. There has been, however, some disagreement over the timing and extent of the abandonment. Our long-term research along the Ohio River in southern Illinois's interior hill country has yielded a substantial corpus of late Mississippian period radiocarbon dates, indicating that depopulation of the lower Ohio Valley occurred at the early end of Williams's estimate. Furthermore, the abandonment was a widespread phenomenon that involved Mississippian groups living in remote settings, as well as along major drainages. Although causes for the Vacant Quarter are still debated, evidence from other regions indicates that regional abandonment by agricultural groups was not a unique event in the Eastern Woodlands.

In this report, conclusive archaeological data are disclosed that demonstrate that about 10,000 B.P. there were in America groups of people able to exploit the sea with remarkable effectiveness. In addition, through the analysis of the biological indicators of three coastal archaeological sites of different chronology, the continuity and the diachronic development of the maritime adaptation in the north of Chile is shown.

Although behavioralists who deal with plow zone sites have a need to discriminate between cultural and non-cultural effects on artifact distributions, relatively little is known about the influences of agricultural equipment. A series of experiments was conducted to answer questions concerning the parameters of recovery, lateral artifact displacement, spatial patterning, duration of tillage, and the effects of tillage patterning. Results indicate an average recovery rate of 5-6 percent; support for the "size effect"; relatively constant recovery of small and large pieces; dominant displacement in the direction of plowing; lack of relationship between displacement and artifact size; basically random distribution of objects; and possible spurious clustering, depending upon the analytical methods employed.

The study of warfare in the ancient Pueblos of the U.S. Southwest has become politicized and contentious, and southwestern data are only rarely used to address larger anthropological theories of war. A cross-cultural model of violence proposed by Carol and Melvin Ember (1992) suggests that war in pre-state societies is predicted by resource unpredictability and socialization for fear. The Ember and Ember model is evaluated using syntheses of southwestern warfare by Steven LeBlanc (1999), environmental variability by Jeffrey Dean (1988, 1996), and political history by Stephen Lekson (1999). The fit between the southwestern data and the model is close, and supports the Ember and Ember model.

Site formation processes must be understood before the goals of archaeology can be attained. Modern and historical populations are examined here to construct a partial model of discard behavior, one formation process. Findings indicate that both sedentary and migratory populations discard materials outside their use location and that only some migratory peoples discard material elements at their use location.

The Marpole phase of the Gulf of Georgia, SW British Columbia (2400–1200 cal B.P.) is recognized by many archaeologists as a significant period of culture change. Concurrent with this cultural phase is a climatic regime characterized by a substantial increase in forest fires associated with persistent summer drought: the Fraser Valley Fire Period (FVFP). Culturally, the Marpole phase is characterized by the widespread appearance of large houses, standardized art forms, and elaborate burials. Interactions among people of this region intensified and were, as today, economically, socially, and ideologically linked to the lower Fraser River system. Ecologically, the FVFP likely resulted in a regional decline in salmon abundance and/or predictability, especially in small streams and offshore areas, but also more berries and wildlife, and easier overland access via trail networks. The ecological diversity of the lower Fraser region, both terrestrial and riverine, resulted in both more abundant and more predictable resources than surrounding areas during this period of changing climate. We hypothesize that social and economic networks throughout the Gulf of Georgia were solidified during the Marpole phase to ensure access to Fraser resources and allow social buffering of resource uncertainty. We suggest that the differential availability of resources also allowed and encouraged individuals who had access to Fraser Valley resources to gain relatively greater prestige.

Cultural resource databases represent the single largest compilations of archaeological site data, but these databases are seldom used in research because they were designed for management purposes, evolved from paper-based inventories, contain significant interobserver variation, and record information inconsistently. In this paper we present methods designed to alleviate these problems in an analysis of more than 3,000 ancestral Pueblo habitation sites from southwestern Colorado. Our methods draw heavily upon Bayesian statistical concepts and utilize the rich excavation records of our study area to quantify the relationship between surface evidence and excavation results using probabilities. This approach offers a number of advantages over ad hoc, judgmental approaches, and produces a more empirically justified history of ancestral Pueblo settlement in our study area. We believe methods like these have great potential for reconstructing settlement patterns from survey data.

Four separate lines of evidence show that the Cedar Mesa Basketmaker II were dependent on maize horticulture: the settlement pattern of the mesa-top Basketmaker II; stable carbon-isotope analysis of Basketmaker and other skeletal remains from the Cedar Mesa area; and two different analyses of coprolites and midden constituents from the Turkey Pen Cave site (a Basketmaker II site in Grand Gulch, which drains parts of Cedar Mesa). All of these analyses concur with a dependence on maize horticulture for the Cedar Mesa Basketmaker II, a dependence not differing significantly from later Pueblo inhabitants of Cedar Mesa and elsewhere. Whether other Basketmaker II variants were as reliant on maize is uncertain, but there are good indications that at least some, and probably all, were. By 2,000 years ago the Basketmaker II peoples on Cedar Mesa were not modified hunters and gatherers, but relied on maize.