This paper is concerned with a description of the religious beliefs of the Tiv with regard to kuraiyol. Kuraiyol, literally translated, means ‘body protectors’. The belief in kuraiyol is closely related to the major religious belief system termed akombo a soron, or propitiation of fetishes. A good deal has been written about akombo by students of the Tiv but very little has been written about kuraiyol. It is difficult to determine when kuraiyol became an important aspect of Tiv religious practices. Dr. Paul Bohannan has recently mentioned in written correspondence to this writer that as early as 1949 kuraiyol had ‘gained a tremendous popularity’. From personal observation during the period from 1955 to 1967 an increasing emphasis appeared to be placed on kuraiyol, especially during periods of war and violence which so greatly affected Tivland. Many Tiv believed kuraiyol to be effective charms against evil forces, including the mbatsav (night witches), the adzov (wood spirits, goblins), and other malevolent spirits. In addition, kuraiyol was believed to impart to the owner certain magical powers which enhanced the wearer's ability to fight, make love, gain material possessions, and the like.

Le but de cette étude est de formuler certaines remarques au sujet de la situation réelle ou supposée de la femme indigène dans les collectivités de l'Ouest-africain. Une littérature abondante et variée a été consacrée depuis longtemps à cette thèse qui s'est enrichie récemment de démonstrations nouvelles. Mais, parmi les auteurs qui ont collaboré à ces exposés, nombreux sont encore ceux qui s'accordent pour peindre avec les mêmes expressions, les mêmes traits et les mêmes exemples la condition misérable des Négresses, vendues contre leur gré, tout au moins sans leur consentement, à des maris qui se conduisent à leur égard comme des brutes sauvages, les traitent en esclaves, les font travailler ainsi que des bêtes de somme, les mettent en gage pour payer leurs dettes, les louent et les prostituent afin d'en tirer profit. Le veuvage, observe-t-on, ne libère pas ces créatures misérables, puisque la coutume les oblige à demeurer dans la famille de leur défunt mari, à épouser et servir jusqu'à la mort un parent de ce dernier. Elles sont de plus contraintes de supporter la polygamie et ses conséquences, sans pouvoir réagir contre des habitudes dégradantes, sans nourrir même I'espérance d'améliorer leur sort, n'ayant point, dans leur malheur indicible, la ressource de constituer, comme leurs sœurs d'Europe, des ligues des syndicats de défense, et de se mettre en grève.

The problem of the production of text-books for African schools is one which is engaging much attention from those who are interested in African education, and indeed there are few problems of African life where the efforts of serious thought are likely to be better rewarded. In an admirable document (5) the International Institute of African Languages and Cultures has discussed some of the fundamental issues involved, and the writers of text-books will probably find it wise to follow the general lines there laid down. That discussion does not, however, claim to have exhausted the subject, but is rather intended to invite fresh suggestions. The purpose of the present study is to set forth some psychological and pedagogical considerations which bear on the problem. Much scientific research has already been devoted to the problems of reading instruction (2), and the results should be at the disposal of the makers of text-books for Africa.

In the native mind evil, and especially any sort of disease as well as death is due either to beings out of a man's reach (spiritual beings) or to human beings endowed with extraordinary power (witches, sorcerers, operators of black magic).

There are a few cases in which the natives accept the evidence of facts: perhaps the only one in which almost all of them agree is in the case of murder. Should a man be deliberately killed, suspicions of witchcraft are not entertained. But should he be killed by a wild beast while hunting, inquiries may be made as to the indirect cause of his death. It will be asked: who advised him to go hunting? who brought that bad beast on to his path? who caused the hunter to miss it?

Les principes qui ont réglé et règlent encore l'enseignement que nous délivrons aux indigènes de nos colonies, ont été parfaitement définis par M. Charton, Inspecteur Général de l'Enseignement en Afrique Occidentale Française, dans plusieurs études. Je ne les reproduis donc pas si ce n'est à l'occasion de leur application. Préférant faire œuvre plus originale, je vais essayer de vous esquisser comment est distribué cet enseignement. En prenant l'exemple d'une de nos colonies, en comparant ce qui s'y fait avec ce qui se fait en d'autres territoires, puis en exposant pourquoi et en vertu de quels principes, vous aurez une vue d'ensemble de la question. Nous choisirons donc l'Afrique Équatoriale Française, dont je peux vous parler plus particulièrement puisque je viens d'y passer treize ans – et puisque M. Charton dans ses études traite de l'Afrique Occidentale Française.

Quelques mots d'abord sur la structure administrative et territoriale de l'Afrique Équatoriale Française, puisque l'organisation scolaire a dû nécessairement en tenir compte. L'Afrique Équatoriale Française se compose de quatre territoires: le Gabon, chef-lieu Libreville, le Moyen Congo, chef-lieu Brazzaville, l'Oubangui-Chari, cheflieu Bangui, et le Tchad, chef-lieu Fort-Lamy.

While mobility-assistive devices ease movement and independence of persons with disabilities, their use may depend on their social and symbolic meaning. This article departs from our observation that elderly people in Wakiso in Uganda own a variety of assistive technologies yet do not utilize them all equally. Our findings are based on data collected through conversations, interviews and observations of thirty elderly people visited in their homes between July 2016 and January 2017. We found that elderly people with mobility disabilities valued devices for the greater autonomy they afforded, although dependence was also valued in some situations. The source or provenance of a device imbued it with meaning. Holding onto it regardless of how much one used it was in a way like holding onto the social relationship that the artefact represented, and the same can be said of abandoning it. Devices were also valued according to the manner in which they portrayed the user to the rest of the world – either positively as cosmopolitan and cared for, or negatively as sickly.

Although a favourable position for women is usually anticipated where they occupy important economic roles in the context of matrilineal descent, such a position may well exist in a patrilineal society, especially if women organise as in West Africa. Here there exist well-organised women's cult associations which are well known from Liberia and Sierra Leone and occur also in western Cameroon and south-eastern Nigeria. The present article demonstrates the existence of a comparable women's association in middle-belt Nigeria among the Kulere. The article focuses mainly on the manner in which through the cooperation of certain men's and women's associations ‘gender symmetry’ was ritually expressed in the sphere of agriculture and fertility. The practical foundation of this symmetry in fertility cults was a relatively even division of labour between the sexes and a favourable position for women in marriage, since they could decide independently whether to stay with a husband or leave him. Cult associations were predominant in public life. Women were strictly excluded from men's associations which held political–ritual offices and channelled advantages in ritual consumption to men. Notwithstanding this exclusion, women had their own association in which they could regulate their own affairs as well as pass decisions for the whole community including the men. The women's organisation held major responsibilities for the protection and the fertility of the fields, both practically as well as ritually. In this responsibility the women's association cooperated with a men's association which otherwise intimidated women. This association of males protected the fields through the presence of supernatural guardians which was sometimes staged in masquerades. The corresponding duties and cooperation of both associations were enacted ritually through the use of common shrines and when the women contacted water spirits to increase the harvest under the protection of male masqueraders. The Kulere case shows a patrilineal society where women had a relatively independent position which was publicly acknowledged through gender dualism in the ritual organisation of agriculture in which their special capabilities with respect to fertility and sustainability were recognised.