Women patients suffer from a range of mental disorders similar to those that men may experience. However, there are some striking differences in the prevalence of specific disorders, and in their presentation and management. Some mental illnesses only occur in women. It seems that women patients may have a different experience of treatment, a consequence of differences in their needs and also of the way that health professionals perceive those needs. These differences are embedded in the wider cultural milieu in which we live. There are particular issues for women patients in relation to, for example, childhood sexual abuse, rape and domestic violence. At present, tools to measure needs of individual patients are generally not gender specific.

The targeting of services to groups with special needs is today commonplace in enlightened public health policies. To list men among the ‘minorities’ in need of such special help might have the semblance of satire. This air of levity is not really reduced by listing male's shorter life expectancy, higher infant mortality and higher rates of natural and unnatural deaths in all age groups (Drever & Bunting, 1997; Kelly & Bunting, 1998).

The most important psychiatric implication of experiencing trauma during war is post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). The core symptoms of PTSD are intrusive re-experiencing of traumatic events, hyperarousal in reaction to minor stimuli and avoidance of trauma-related triggers. In this paper we describe the phenomenon of intrusive reexperiencing, of which the post-traumatic nightmare (PTNM) is an impressive manifestation that causes considerable distress (Mellman et al, 1995; Schreuder, 1996; Ørner & de Loos, 1998; Schreuder et al, 1998).

The term ‘challenging behaviour’ was introduced in North America in the 1980s, and was originally used to describe problematic behaviours in people with ‘mental retardation’ (learning disabilities). Challenging behaviour can, however, occur across the intellectual spectrum, being particularly prevalent in populations with psychiatric disorder.

Depression, in its severest forms, causes severe morbidity, has a high incidence of mortality and requires emergency treatment. In a previous article in this journal (Porter & Ferrier, 1999), we discussed the emergency treatment of severe depression by pharmacological means and electroconvulsive therapy (ECT). Here, we will discuss the contribution of non-pharmacological aspects of management to fast, effective and safe treatment of severe depression. We will also complete our review of this subject by examining the efficacy of some emerging therapeutic interventions for severe depression.

The DSM–IV classification of body dysmorphic disorder (BDD) refers to an individual's preoccupation with an ‘imagined’ defect in his or her appearance or markedly excessive concern with a slight physical anomaly (American Psychiatric Association, 1994). An Italian psychiatrist, Morselli, first used the term ‘dysmorphophobia’ in 1886, although it is now falling into disuse, probably because ICD–10 (World Health Organization, 1992) has discarded it, subsuming the condition under hypochondriacal disorder.

Over recent years early intervention in psychosis has fired the imagination of clinicians and researchers, following the publication of several studies linking a long duration of psychosis prior to receiving treatment with a poor treatment outcome: a relationship that has been cogently argued to be independent of illness factors (e.g. Scully et al, 1997). Most influential was Wyatt's (1991) review of 22 studies, in which relatively similar groups of patients suffering from schizophrenia were, or were not, given antipsychotic medication early in the course of their illness. This pointed towards an improved long-term course in schizophrenia with early treatment.

Bipolar illnesses are typically considered as disorders primarily occurring in adult life, but a substantial number have their onset during the teenage years. Any acute illness in the teenage years affects social, emotional and educational development disproportionately, as it may prevent the normal transitions and learning experiences inherent in adolescence. Additionally, there is some evidence for a lack of early recognition or for misdiagnosis in early-onset cases of psychiatric disorders in general and the psychotic disorders in particular, with consequent increased suffering and impairment of functioning. Finally, bipolar affective disorders rarely present with one single episode followed by full and permanent recovery, but are usually illnesses characterised by a relapsing and remitting course through adult life. Prompt and effective recognition and treatment may therefore not merely reduce immediate impact but may also set up patterns of understanding and treatment compliance with longer-term implications. In this paper, I consider the particular features of bipolar affective disorder in adolescence and to describe a practical framework for its management. In view of the relative lack of age-specific research findings, particularly in respect of treatment effectiveness, I draw heavily upon clinical practice and extrapolation from studies carried out among adult sufferers.

English law on young people's consent to treatment and competence is complex and can even appear contradictory. For example, competent minors can consent, but their refusal can be overruled by the consent of a person with parental authority or by the court. This paper is an attempt to make sense of the topic for clinicians. It includes a discussion of the law and the small body of relevant research evidence. There are clinical case examples, checklists and guidelines for good practice. However, it is not a substitute for legal advice, which should be sought wherever doubt remains.