Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Acknowledgments
- Preface
- Preamble How the Farmers Outwitted the Bureaucrats: A True Tale
- 1 Why Country People are not Peasants
- 2 The Vain Search for Universal Generalizations: 1. The Relevance of Economic Inequality
- 3 The Vain Search for Universal Generalizations: 2. The Poor Quality of Official Statistics
- 4 The Vain Search for Universal Generalizations: 3. Historicist Fallacies
- 5 Pause: How can the Impasse be Resolved?
- 6 The Logical Necessity for Economic Inequality within Rural Communities
- 7 The Farming Household: its Defects as a Statistical Unit
- 8 The Need to be Indebted
- 9 The Flexibility of Inheritance Systems
- 10 The Neglect of Farm-Labouring Systems
- 11 Misconceptions about Migration
- 12 The Neglect of Women
- 13 The Sale of Farmland
- 14 Rural Class Stratification?
- Postscript Doomsday Economics
- Glossary and Place Names
- References
- Index
8 - The Need to be Indebted
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 June 2012
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Acknowledgments
- Preface
- Preamble How the Farmers Outwitted the Bureaucrats: A True Tale
- 1 Why Country People are not Peasants
- 2 The Vain Search for Universal Generalizations: 1. The Relevance of Economic Inequality
- 3 The Vain Search for Universal Generalizations: 2. The Poor Quality of Official Statistics
- 4 The Vain Search for Universal Generalizations: 3. Historicist Fallacies
- 5 Pause: How can the Impasse be Resolved?
- 6 The Logical Necessity for Economic Inequality within Rural Communities
- 7 The Farming Household: its Defects as a Statistical Unit
- 8 The Need to be Indebted
- 9 The Flexibility of Inheritance Systems
- 10 The Neglect of Farm-Labouring Systems
- 11 Misconceptions about Migration
- 12 The Neglect of Women
- 13 The Sale of Farmland
- 14 Rural Class Stratification?
- Postscript Doomsday Economics
- Glossary and Place Names
- References
- Index
Summary
Because rural and tropical communities in which cash circulates are innately inegalitarian, so it is inevitable that the impoverished (in particular) need to borrow and that richer people should wish to put their surplus funds to work. It is mistaken to assume that such borrowing and lending as takes place within a village community necessarily enhances inequality (it may, indeed, reduce it), or is bound to be ‘bad’ for some other reason. As Baker has put it in relation to the history of rural Tamilnad, credit-granting reflected the fundamental inequalities of local societies but did not create them, borrowing between cultivators being best considered as part of the hierarchically ordered system of distribution within the village, big men being expected or even obliged to provide credit. ‘Just as the village leader was expected to distribute grain to keep the village alive, so he was expected to distribute capital resources to keep the village lands under cultivation’. Those impoverished people who are too poor to borrow have, as it were, fallen beneath the community and are therefore without hope. Borrowing and lending are necessary for the health of any rural community, ‘an intrinsic part of the system of production’ – hence the provocative title of this chapter. To cite Baker again, the expansion of local debt may well be evidence of the ‘rapid growth of a commercial economy’ (p.258), rather than of any submission to rapacious creditors.
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- Development Economics on TrialThe Anthropological Case for a Prosecution, pp. 83 - 94Publisher: Cambridge University PressPrint publication year: 1986
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