Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 March 2008
Considering the important contribution which the introduction and spread of food-production techniques have made to the subsequent development of African culture and history, it is particularly unfortunate that the available evidence by which these processes may be illustrated is sparse and its significance and meaning frequently inconclusive. This is not the place to discuss in detail the methodology of interpreting such evidence; suffice it to point out that most African prehistorians now appreciate the necessity of insisting upon the recovery of physical remains of domesticated animals or cultivated plants before food production in a given context can be regarded as proven. The experience of their colleagues elsewhere, particularly in the Near East and in south-east Europe, has shown them that there are virtually no aspects of material culture alone which are themselves incontrovertibly indicative of farming practice. Gone are the days when the African prehistorian could glibly imply the presence of food-production techniques from the occurrence of pottery or of ground stone tools. Pastoralism and food cultivation, although they often spread together, are not invariably linked, as many recent and contemporary African societies clearly attest.
Seddon (1968) has neatly categorized the various types of evidence which are available for illustrating the spread of food production. These are as follows:
direct archaeological evidence: i.e. the identifiable remains, recovered from stratified contexts, of domesticated animals or plants
indirect archaeological evidence: such as rock paintings and other artistic representations of domesticates or cultigens, or items of material culture which imply the presence of food-producing techniques (care must be exercised in the interpretation of artifacts of this last category since in remarkably few cases is the evidence conclusive)
secondary or non-archaeological evidence, based on botanical, zoological, linguistic or ethnographic data. Use of such data often involves the projection back into the past of recent observations from non-historical disciplines. In addition to the obvious dangers inherent in the unsupported use of such arguments, it is only rarely that the relevant evidence may be tied in to an archaeological sequence. The results of these investigations thus frequently remain in vacuo, without reference to their historical or cultural context, or to an absolute chronology.
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