We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
Online ordering will be unavailable from 17:00 GMT on Friday, April 25 until 17:00 GMT on Sunday, April 27 due to maintenance. We apologise for the inconvenience.
To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure [email protected]
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
Chapter 4 examines the role of the Constitutional Court of the Czech Republic, which in the first decade of its operation (from 1993 to the beginning of the new millennium) dealt mainly with the protection of fundamental rights, as well as with cases concerning transitional justice. With reference to this matter, the Court was called on to rule on particularly divisive issues concerning the country’s past, such as the law on the illegitimacy of the Communist regime, the laws on the restitution of property, as well as the “lustration laws,” which were aimed at preventing individuals involved with the Communist regime, or considered to be in favor of a return to Communism, from occupying higher positions in the state apparatus for a certain period. Compared to the previous generations, a distinguishing feature of this third generation of courts is the interplay between the democratic transition, constitutional justice, and accession to the Council of Europe and the European Union.
Chapter 2 analyzes the role played by the Italian Constitutional Court. This court belongs to the first generation of constitutional courts, and as a result its configuration and role at the time when it was established were largely experimental, if not a leap in the dark. The constitutional judges, especially during the initial phase (from 1956 until the end of the 1960s) focused on the elimination of the Fascist legislation that continued to severely constrain civil, political, religious, and social liberties. In this way the court made a break with the past, as it contributed to putting an end to the continuity between Fascism and post-Fascism, at least from a legislative point of view. Indeed, with the striking down of Fascist legislation and the upholding of constitutional rights and freedoms the country experienced a transition from an “uncertain” democracy (that was the case in Italy in 1956) to a “mature” democracy. The role of the constitutional court also needs to be assessed in light of the fact that in most cases it was required to take decisions in conflict with the prevailing conservative stance of the government, the parliamentary majority, and the superior courts.
Chapter 3 deals with the Spanish Constitutional Court. In this second generation of constitutional courts there are fewer unknown factors and more instances of courts in other countries to draw inspiration from, including the Italian Constitutional Court. All this contributed to the establishment and consolidation of constitutional justice. In the period from 1980 to the early 1990s, the Spanish Court dealt with four main issues, concerning the normative value of the constitutional provisions, the preconstitutional legislation, fundamental rights, and the territorial organization of the state. From the very beginning, the constitutional court upheld the normative value of all the provisions of the Constitution, and played an important role in determining whether the preconstitutional laws were in conflict with the provisions of the Constitution laying down fundamental rights and freedoms. Moreover, it succeeded in setting up an effective system of protection of fundamental rights, as well as ensuring a rational functioning of the State of Autonomies. The territorial question represented one of the most complex issues to be addressed, and the outcome of the transition to democracy was largely dependent on this matter.
The purpose of this article is to clarify the relationship between forms of political legitimacy employed by communist regimes in East and Central Europe and subsequent models of revolutionary change in 1989. The conceptual basis of the analysis lies in Max Weber's theoretical framework of legitimacy. The four cases selected for comparison are Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland and Romania. The attempts of de-Stalinization and reformation of these party-state regimes through the introduction of paternalistic and also more goal-oriented measures could not prevent their disintegration in the 1980s and their subsequent collapse in 1989. But, I argue, it was the withdrawal of ideological support by elites that ultimately brought communism to an end. The differences in revolutionary scenarios and transitions to democracy in the four cases indicate the importance of a shift in both rulers and masses towards interest in dialogue and compromise. Hungary and Poland represent the clearest scenarios in which communist parties acted as agents of regime change in a rational-legal direction. The Bulgarian case stands as an intermediary case between these two and Romania. Finally, Romania represents an extreme case of violent revolution and the overthrow of a traditionalist and sultanistic regime and illustrates the difficulties following a complete collapse of political authority.
Czech Lustration Acts: basic features – Among the most far-reaching in the postcommunist countries in Europe – Challenges for the rule of law – 2001: Czech Constitutional Court upholds their validity – Case-law of the European Court of Human Rights – ‘Transition-to-democracy’ circumstances that justified their adoption have ceased to exist
This article examines the unusual public security reform process that took place in Panama in the wake of the US military invasion of December 1989. The changes to the Panamanian security forces that ensued were in equal part a ‘demilitarisation’ process, a police reform and an (imposed) transition to democracy where the political domination of the Panamanian security forces came to an abrupt end. Deploying the concepts of demilitarisation, professionalisation and depoliticisation, the article evaluates the political role and activities of police forces and the nature of their relationship with the main Panamanian political actors through to the present Torrijos administration. It then assesses the implications for wider political processes, suggesting that explanations for the success or failure of reform are unlikely to be found in the examination of the design and implementation of the reform itself, but that broader political processes must be analysed in order to understand the dynamic that underpins it.
Recommend this
Email your librarian or administrator to recommend adding this to your organisation's collection.