The nationalist element of Brexit populism had an entrenched ethnocentric character that was capable of breaking out in the in the form of racism. By 2016 overt racism had become taboo in public, but Brexitspeak had the linguistic means to dog whistle it. The new racism also enlarged the sense of ‘racism’ to cover refugee migrants entering the UK who were not dark-skinned. The sources of racism in the UK are diverse and subject to debate. In this chapter the focus is on the likely impact of racist demagoguery in generating and sustaining long-term racist attitudes. The example of Enoch Powell and his ‘rivers of blood’ speech is scrutinised in detail. But Powellism persisted well beyond the 1960s and 1970s: twenty years on it motivated the murder of Stephen Lawrence. In the age of the internet, Powell was a legitimising icon among neo-Nazi networks and appeared in website videos quoting and visualising his notorious speech. But veneration of Powell also remained apparent among right-wing Conservative politicians, activists and writers, and in their networking with ultra-right individuals.

Given the mental health problems noted in schools as well as the high levels of trauma and disproportionate number of Black and Brown students referred for discipline or special education services, it is necessary to shift focus away from ameliorative change efforts. Transforming the culture and policies of schools – from punishment-based to relationship and trauma-responsive – is one way to increase opportunities for psychological and academic wellness while also disrupting the school-to-prison pipeline. A race-centered, trauma-responsive school approach that shifts attention away from a sole focus on individual-level (e.g., teaching mindfulness skills) and punishment-based (e.g., suspension) interventions often delivered to youth and instead proposes solutions at the level of the teacher, classroom, and school is presented in this chapter. This chapter provides an overview of the impacts and disparities in the prevalence of adverse childhood experiences, reviews the trauma-responsive school framework, and provides a case study of how race-centered, trauma-responsive schools can be used as a preventive strategy to reduce negative outcomes for children of the global majority.

This chapter focuses on the Black Parenting Strengths and Strategies (BPSS), a parenting intervention developed to incorporate the most successful strategies used by parenting and child development specialists, while drawing on the strengths, unique parental strategies, and processes inherent in Black families (e.g., racial socialization). Interested in how BPSS fairs when implemented in less controlled settings (real-world contexts), BPSS was subsequently evaluated via an effectiveness study (Coard et al., ), which provided additional support for the feasibility and receptibility of the BPSS program and highlighted the potential effectiveness. We describe the process undertaken as part of the effectiveness study to evaluate BPSS and describe its “real-world” implementation across multiple community centers/settings servicing Black/African American families. Informed by a community-based participatory approach, we (a) provide the rationale for and an overview of the BPSS, (b) describe the translational process in implementing BPSS, (c) outline lessons learned, and (d) summarize the recommendations for practitioners’ use of BPSS.

Essaka Joshua discusses the relationship between disability and race, both where they intersect in literary and nonliterary discourses and, importantly, where they are deliberately opposed. For example, in the writing of the blind writer and staunch abolitionist Edward Rushton, the critique of racism hinges on the idea that racial prejudice derives from sightedness. Rushton thus serves as an important counterpoint to the more widely taught Edmund Burke, whose ableist assumptions about blindness in A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful undergird a belief in blackness and Black subjects as inherently terrifying.

In this chapter, we discuss the relationship of individual personal thriving to fairness and worthiness by exploring the concept of epistemic injustice. Epistemic injustice refers to the rejection of people’s capacity as knowers, such that these individuals are treated as being less knowledgeable and less believable than other people, frequently on the basis of their social identities. In the first half of the chapter, we will explain how epistemic injustices take place and how they interrupt human thriving. In the second half of the chapter, we will profile the ways that psychologists and others can work to prevent epistemic injustice.

The epilogue brings the narrative from the early years of the new century to recent events, just before sending the manuscript to print, in mid 2024. It tells of the changing attitudes in Germany both towards Jews living in that country and towards Israel and its policies of occupation in the Palestinian West Bank. The unique German–Israeli relationship during the last two decades is sketched against the background of the past, and finally, it is attempted to draw a balance between the apparent achievement of a decent Jewish life in Germany, on the one hand, and the new dangers of a rising politically organized right, simultaneously with a growing critique of Israel and the apparent emergence of a new antisemitism, on the other hand.

Traveller and Black communities are among the most distinctive populations in Ireland. Although they occupy opposite ends of the spectrum of visible difference, hair is a site at which their perceived differences converge. In Ireland, the racial and aesthetic dimensions of Traveller and Black hair have contributed to the marginalization of the two groups. Traveller hair was historically associated with dirtiness and poverty, and Traveller women’s hair, traditionally worn long, was often perceived to be old-fashioned, gaudy, or indicative of sexual availability. Meanwhile, Black hair, which departs from white hair in texture and direction of growth, has been denigrated, and distinctively Black hairstyles have been disparaged. This chapter examines hair culture in the writings of contemporary authors Dr. Rosaleen McDonagh, a Traveller dramatist and activist, and Emma Dabiri, a Nigerian-Irish author and academic. Their portrayals of minority hair culture reveal histories of institutionalized racism and crinicultural (hair-related) discrimination, but they also present affirmative depictions of beauty and empowerment that dismantle older, demeaning representations.

It is hard to see the early Emerson as anything other than a racist. There are just far too many ugly comments in his journals; even in his earlier antislavery speeches he seems, at best, tone-deaf. But gradually Emerson began to have a broader view of race that resulted in his actually being a leader in speaking for racial equality and integration. How did this happen? The chapter evaluates how Emerson embraced and then renounced scientific racism. It also analyzes his compositional strategies within his journals. Often, Emerson posed unthinkable ideas there to provoke himself to move beyond a position. That is demonstrably the case with certain racist statements. It is not a straight line from racist to defender of a common humanity, but it is a discernible one. Emerson’s growth here parallels both his move toward abolitionism and his recalibration of self-reliance.

This chapter addresses the nexus between racism and return migration in the early 1980s, which marked the peak of anti-Turkish racism. As the call “Turks out!” (Türken raus!) grew louder, policymakers debated passing a law that would, in critics’ view, “kick out” the Turks and violate their human rights. During this “racial reckoning,” West Germans, Turkish migrants, and observers in Turkey grappled with the nature of racism itself. Although West Germans silenced the language of “race” (Rasse) and “racism” (Rassismus) after Hitler, there was an explosion of public discourse about those terms. Ordinary Germans, moreover, wrote to their president expressing their concerns about migration, revealing both biological and cultural racism. The simultaneous rise in Holocaust memory culture (Erinnerungskultur) is crucial for understanding this racial reckoning. While many Germans warned against the mistreatment of Turks as an unseemly continuity to Nazism, the emphasis on the singularity of the Holocaust offered Germans a way to dismiss anti-Turkish sentiment. Turkish migrants fought against this structural and everyday racism with various methods of activism. Turks at home, including the government and media following the 1980 military coup, viewed these debates with self-interest, lambasting German racism in the context of the 1983 remigration law.

The book begins in the Turkish beach town of Şarköy, home to a community of first- and second-generation return migrants who were interviewed for this book. These returnees are just some of the millions of people who have journeyed back and forth between Turkey and Germany for over 60 years. The introduction lays out the book’s four core arguments, which together reveal that Turkish-German migration history is far more dynamic than typically told. First, return migration was not an illusion or unrealized dream but rather a core component of all migrants’ lives, and migration was not a one-directional event but rather a transnational process of reciprocal exchange that fundamentally reshaped both countries’ politics, societies, economies, and cultures. Second, migration introduced new ambivalence into European identities: although Germans assailed Turks’ alleged inability to integrate, they had integrated enough to be criticized in Turkey as “Germanized Turks” (Almancı). Third, examining West German efforts to “kick out” the Turks in the 1980s exposes the reality of racism in the liberal, democratic Federal Republic of Germany. Finally, including Muslims and Turks in European history expands our idea of what “Europe” is and who “Europeans” are.

This epilogue reexamines select themes – return migration and transnational lives, estrangement from “home,” racism, and the inclusion of Turks in European society – applying the arguments put forth in the previous chapters to more recent developments. After the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and German reunification in 1990, there was an explosion of racist violence that recalled the racism of the 1980s and reverberated throughout Germany and Turkey. The 1983 remigration law had its own echoes in a 1990 GDR law that incentivized the departure of unemployed foreign contract workers. In the new millennium, paying unwanted foreigners to leave became standard practice for dealing with asylum seekers – in Germany and a united Europe. Over time, Germans transposed the call “Turks out!” onto a new Muslim enemy: Syrian asylum seekers. For its part, Turkey’s turn to authoritarianism under Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has strained Turkey’s relations with Germany and the diaspora. These developments come with profound implications – regarding citizenship, political participation, and national identity – for the approximately 3 million Turks who live in Germany today, and for the hundreds of thousands who have returned.

The chapter traces the long, unheralded history of Black women electric guitarists in the United States from the 1940s to the present century. It identifies the unique challenges they face striving to work in an American music landscape that adores Black women as singers but largely overlooks them when they strap an electric guitar onto their bodies. It uses historical research and oral history interviews with intergenerational artists in blues, gospel, and rock to explore how race, gender, and genre conventions manifest and intersect to create barriers and opportunities.

This framing chapter focuses on the nation’s founding and the salience of inequality and race that is baked into our founding documents. It also discusses the concept of democracy that prevailed at the time of the founding and why it represented a radical departure from the past influences of Anglo and French political thought. It introduces the concept of multiple political traditions within American democracy.