We used in-depth interviews with 101 participants in the East York section of Toronto, Canada to understand how digital media affects social connectivity in general—and networked individualism in particular—for people at different stages of the life course. Although people of all ages intertwined their use of digital media with their face-to-face interactions, younger adults used more types of digital media and have more diversified personal networks. People in different age-groups conserved media, tending to stick with the digital media they learned to use in earlier life stages. Approximately one-third of the participants were Networked Individuals: In each age-group, they were the most actively using digital media to maintain ties and to develop new ones. Another one-third were Socially Bounded, who often actively used digital media but kept their connectivity within a smaller set of social groups. The remaining one-third, who were Socially Limited, were the least likely to use digital media. Younger adults were the most likely to be Networked Individuals, leading us to wonder if the percentage of the population who are Bounded or Limited will decline over time.

Background: Ageism, a form of prejudice in which one relates negatively to people due to their age, exists throughout life. However, no attempt has been made to compare ageist attitudes across the life cycle, from young adulthood to old age. Consequently, the current study examined age and gender differences in ageism throughout adulthood.

Methods: 955 Israeli participants (age range: 18–98 years) were divided into three age-groups: young (18–39), middle-aged (40–67), and old (68–98), and were administered the Fraboni Scale of Ageism. Age and gender differences were examined both for the three groups and for subgroups within the older adult cohort.

Results: Multivariate analysis of variance revealed that middle-aged participants were significantly more ageist than younger and older groups. Across all age groups, men exhibited more avoidance and stereotypical attitudes toward older adults than women. Among the old age group, participants aged 81–98 held more ageist stereotypes and reported more avoidance of older adults than those aged 68–73. Within the older adult cohort, gender was a significant predictor for ageist attitudes among those aged 68–73 and 81–98, but not for people aged 74–80.

Conclusions: Ageism demonstrates a changing pattern across the life span. While gender differences remain stable, ageist attitudes toward growing old as we age ourselves are constantly changing. In order to gain a better understanding of ageism as a general and global phenomenon, we need to consider the role of such attitudes in different stages of life.