The respective delivery roles of public and private providers is a key battleground in the ongoing transformation of welfare states. But despite a burgeoning literature on public attitudes to aspects of welfare state activity, delivery has to date received scant attention. This article makes a first step in addressing this knowledge gap. Drawing on original survey data from the United Kingdom, it analyses attitudes towards the delivery of social policies and explores their relationship to other welfare attitudes. We show that views on delivery display less variation than attitudes to welfare generosity and redistribution, that public support for private sector involvement in delivery is limited to certain fields and that there is very little consistent support for outright privatisation. The article thus demonstrates that there is very little congruence between attitudes to ‘welfarism’ and attitudes to ‘statism’.

This paper examines the population of corporate directors of Britain at the turn of the twentieth century. Over the period 1881-1911 the corporate form became the most common mode of business organisation for large businesses. As their number increased, the population of directors expanded and reflected an increasingly diversified corporate landscape. Based on a large-scale dataset, this paper analyses the characteristics and networks of this wider population of directors. The study goes beyond previous work, which has mainly focused on elite directors or prominent companies, and shows three key findings. First, the population of directors was very connected into a large network, complete isolation from this network was rare. Second, over 1881-1911 director interlocks with banks became less important for most sectors, while interlocks with other financial institutions such as trusts became increasingly important. Insurance companies stood out as the most connected sector spanning smaller local companies and larger international ones. Third, during the period studied there was a shift from director clusters that were mainly based on proximity, to those that were connected through industries.

Violence against women in politics is on the rise, threatening political achievements with respect to equality. Little research, however, has been conducted on the experiences of women from minority communities. This article, therefore, takes an intersectional approach to explore how gender, religion, and other categories of difference intersect when it comes to Muslim women’s experiences in the UK. Based on a longitudinal case study of Bradford West during the 2015, 2017, and 2019 general elections that combines participant observations, qualitative interviews, and a Twitter analysis, we argue that, in addition to the violence often experienced by women, Muslim women are also confronted with Islamophobic bias and abuse, as well as intersectional intimidation and harassment from within the Muslim community in their constituencies. Our case study approach, however, also reveals the existence of appreciation and support for Muslim women in politics that needs to be nurtured to counter abuse.

Since 2010, the UK government has transformed social security administration using digital technology and automated instruments to create and deliver a single working-age benefit known as Universal Credit (UC). Social policy scholars have given much attention to the key policy tenets of UC but engaged less with leading aspects of automated and digital delivery and their relationship to different forms of administrative burdens for UC recipients. This article addresses this empirical and conceptual gap by drawing on administrative burdens literature to analyse empirical data from forty-four interviews with UC recipients. We conclude by highlighting three costs: temporal, financial, and emotional. These costs illustrate the political dimensions of technical features of UC, as they affect accountability procedures and paths to legal entitlements that have bearings on certain claimants’ rights.

The aim of this study was to describe the dietary intake of British vegetarians according to the Nova classification and to evaluate the association between the consumption of ultra-processed foods and the nutritional quality of the diet. We used data from the UK national survey (2008/2019). Food collected through a 4-d record were classified according to the Nova system. In all tertiles of the energy contribution of ultra-processed foods, differences in the average nutrient intake, as well as in the prevalence of inadequate intake, were analysed, considering the values recommended by international authorities. Ultra-processed foods had the highest dietary contribution (56·3 % of energy intake), followed by fresh or minimally processed foods (29·2 %), processed foods (9·4 %) and culinary ingredients (5 %). A positive linear trend was found between the contribution tertiles of ultra-processed foods and the content of free sugars (β 0·25, P < 0·001), while an inverse relationship was observed for dietary fibre (β –0·26, P = 0·002), potassium (β –0·38, P < 0·001), Mg (β –0·31, P < 0·001), Cu (β –0·22, P < 0·003), vitamin A (β –0·37, P < 0·001) and vitamin C (β –0·22, P < 0·001). As the contribution of ultra-processed foods to total energy intake increased (from the first to the last tertile of consumption), the prevalence of inadequate intake of free sugars increased (from 32·9 % to 60·7 %, respectively), as well as the prevalence of inadequate fibre intake (from 26·1 % to 47·5 %). The influence of ultra-processed foods on the vegetarian diet in the UK is of considerable magnitude, and the consumption of this food was associated with poorer diet quality.

In the United Kingdom (UK), racially-minoritised (non-White) people are more likely to have poorer health outcomes and greater difficulties with accessing healthcare (Dyer, 2019). People face individual and societal adversity that can affect their physical and mental wellbeing (Gibbons et al., 2012). There are clear mental health needs for racially-minoritised people, and we must go further in understanding the barriers to help to adequately meet the needs of diverse communities. The aim of this systematic review was to understand the barriers to accessing formal mental health support for racially-minoritised people within the UK. Qualitative empirical studies published between January 1970 to December 2020 were searched for using two databases: PsycINFO and Web of Science. Studies were searched for written in English, using a clinical or non-clinical population of adults with qualitative data collection and analysis methods. Database searches and reference mining gave a total of 283 studies, with 31 duplicates removed. Considering inclusion and exclusion criteria there were 15 final studies. A second researcher (S.O’H.) was used throughout, when selecting papers, quality assessment using the Critical Appraisal Skills Programme (CASP) checklist, coding and developing themes using thematic synthesis. The final four themes are ‘internal and external stigma’, ‘understanding of distress and coping’, ‘competence of professionals and services’ and ‘perception and accessibility’. There are various barriers making it harder for racially-minoritised people to access mental health support. Further research is needed with individual communities and action must be taken by commissioners, services, CBT practitioners, and others to eliminate barriers and improve mental health care.

Current World Health Organization (WHO) reports claim a decline in COVID-19 testing and reporting of new infections. To discuss the consequences of ignoring severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus-2 (SARS-CoV-2) infection, the endemic characteristics of the disease in 2023 with the ones estimated before using 2022 data sets are compared. The accumulated numbers of cases and deaths reported to the WHO by the 10 most infected countries and global figures were used to calculate the average daily numbers of cases DCC and deaths DDC per capita and case fatality rates (CFRs = DDC/DCC) for two periods in 2023. In some countries, the DDC values can be higher than the upper 2022 limit and exceed the seasonal influenza mortality. The increase in CFR in 2023 shows that SARS-CoV-2 infection is still dangerous. The numbers of COVID-19 cases and deaths per capita in 2022 and 2023 do not demonstrate downward trends with the increase in the percentages of fully vaccinated people and boosters. The reasons may be both rapid mutations of the coronavirus, which reduced the effectiveness of vaccines and led to a large number of re-infections, and inappropriate management.

This paper uses the case study of Gordon & Gotch, media import/exporters, to explore how the transnational sale of British media contributed to a common cultural identity within the British World. Gordon & Gotch, founded as a media import firm in Australia in 1853, opened a London branch in 1866 which became independently owned and operated in 1890. This paper argues that the London and Australasian firms of Gordon & Gotch played an important and understudied role in tying Australia to Britain through lines of business that benefitted men in Melbourne and London, creating an “imagined community” of British readers that spanned oceans. The paper also explores how the divergent strategies of the London and Australasian Gordon & Gotches in the wake of the Second World War help us to understand the timeline of Australia’s cultural disentanglement with Britain. As new political economies developed in Britain and Australia, the London firm was forced to pivot to a European or more generally “global” strategy, while the Australian firm refocused its energies to domestic and American media. The consequence for Australian consumers was a reduced presence of British media and a greater preponderance of American, Australian, and locally printed multinational media in Australia. The long history of the British and Antipodean Gordon & Gotches reveals the contingency of British media saturation in Australia and the value of business historical approaches to studying change in cultural markets.

From the 1940s to the 1970s, British governments steered manufacturing businesses to peripheral regions designated as needing more employment. This approach was delivered through a Regional Policy that deployed industrial location controls and financial incentives. Effectiveness varied over time but was dramatic in the mid-1940s, when it boosted the regional stock of secondary manufacturing to the extent that its legacy remains visible today. The literature describes how this Regional Policy was a peacetime policy, albeit one formulated during the war. This article, however, proposes that the most successful phase of Regional Policy was an extension of wartime policies governing regional manufacturing businesses producing munitions. It uses a case study of Wales to make two arguments. One is that the Regional Policy associated with the postwar period began to be implemented before the war had ended. The other is that the Board of Trade pursued the policy through repurposed wartime governance mechanisms within an economy that remained subject to onerous state controls. The case outlines a short but consequential burst of assertive state involvement that shaped business activity throughout much of regional Britain, echoing Philip Scranton and Patrick Fridenson’s arguments concerning “the state always being in” given its role in shaping markets, business behavior, and regulations.