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Soldiers’ desires to craft a narrative out of the war experience encouraged them to look towards the future. This chapter focuses on another central feature of soldiers’ psychologies: their hope. Infantrymen invested themselves in visions of victorious peace, which supported their morale and encouraged resilience. Nonetheless, their hopes for peace changed over the course of the war. At the end of 1914 and 1916, soldiers remained confident that the next year’s campaigning would bring the war to a successful close. However, their experiences in 1917 left them uncertain that victory was even possible. Censors noted that men began considering the likelihood of a negotiated peace during this period. Nevertheless, the German offensives of 1918 restored men’s faith in victorious peace. Soldiers gleaned immense psychological benefits from their investment in a peaceful future. Hope was a coping mechanism fed by memories, dreams, and fantasies that provided a vision of an alternative world devoid of war: something the men could fight for. Infantrymen developed personal life goals, which instilled their service with a depth of meaning that was itself sustaining. A variety of things fuelled their hope and optimistic reasoning: religion, prisoners, war souvenirs, and rumour all fed hope. Significantly, too, most of these soldiers believed that the German state had to be defeated were there ever to be a lasting peace. More subtle psychological mechanisms were also essential: optimism, certainty, language, acculturation, and the sense of success. So long as men were able to conceive of the war as just, necessary, and winnable they were generally willing to endure the stresses of service.
Constitutional identity, although remaining distinct from national identity, does like the latter carve out an imagined community. It must process and reprocess material to promote a vision that integrates the ethnos and the demos in a constitutionally viable manner. In this pursuit, the elaboration of constitutional identity relies on three principal interpretive devices: negation, metaphor, and metonymy. The objective is to integrate the polity as a whole, the individuals subject to the constitution, and the plurality of groups within the nation that possess a legitimate claim to constitutional recognition. The resulting construct must draw on national identity to reinforce unity and depart from the latter where necessary to maintain constitutional integrity – e.g., to deescalate ethnic strife within the polity by banning ethnic-based political parties. The turn to populism poses a challenge that calls upon reframing constitutional identity. Indeed, as populism by its very nature casts only part of the people as the people, and labels those not included as the enemy, it calls for disaggregating and recombining existing liberal constitutional identities. We illustrate the adverse effect of populism’s recourse to ethnic cleavages and to religion in reframing constitutional identity through the salient example of Viktor Orban’s Hungary.
How do members of the general public come to regard some uses of violence as legitimate and others as illegitimate? And how do they learn to use widely recognised normative principles in doing so such as those encapsulated in the laws of war and debated by just war theorists? This article argues that popular cinema is likely to be a major source of influence especially through a subgenre that I call ‘Just War Cinema’. Since the 1950s, many films have addressed the moral drama at the centre of contemporary Just War Theory through the figure of the enemy in the Second World War, offering often explicit and sophisticated treatments of the relationship between the jus ad bellum and the jus in bello that anticipate or echo the arguments of philosophers. But whereas Cold War-era films may have supported Just War Theory’s ambitions to shape public understanding, a strongly revisionary tendency in Just War Cinema since the late 1990s is just as likely to thwart them. The potential of Just War Cinema to vitiate efforts to shape wider attitudes is a matter that both moral philosophers and those concerned with disseminating the law of war ought to pay close attention to.
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