Throughout the medieval period, thousands of ships plied their trade around England's coasts. History documents numerous lost ships, and more would have sunk without record, yet very few wrecks dating between the tenth and fifteenth centuries AD have previously been discovered in English waters. The author reports on one of the first of such finds—the wreck of a clinker-built sailing vessel, dated to c. AD 1250, that was carrying a cargo of Purbeck stone. Examination of the ship and its cargo reveals new insights into shipping and the Purbeck stone trade in the thirteenth century.

Deployment of artificial wreck reefs (AWRs) near natural reefs can influence fish assemblages on both reefs. Here, we assessed fish attitudes (abundances, biomass and species richness) according to different level complexity areas of wrecks, feeding guilds of fish and body size of fish of two identical AWRs deployed at the same depth (36.6 m) and different distances from natural reefs. Scuba divers used visual census method to sample fish communities at wrecks for two years. An average of 2346 individuals per dive belonging to 52 species were observed on wrecks combined. Both mean fish abundance and mean biomass did not differ significantly between wrecks. Mean species richness was significantly greater at 9 Eylül than Alaybey. Planktivore was the most abundant feeding guild on wrecks, and its abundance statistically differed between AWRs. The comparisons of fish assemblages at the different level complexity areas of the wrecks show differences, the highest mean abundances were recorded at the areas of low complexity of the wrecks. The results of this study show that although deploying artificial wreck reefs near to natural rocky reefs catalyses fish colonization, it does not present an exact influence on the fish communities of AWRs. We have not known yet how creating an artificial wreck reef affects fish community of natural reefs. With giving extra importance to the choice of deployment area, AWR applications may transform to win-win projects for both the marine environment and recreational users, such as divers and anglers.

Tragedies about the suffering of migrants are not a new phenomenon. So this article quickly turns to texts from classical antiquity by Aeschylus and Euripides. It focuses, however, on poetry written over the last decade. Following the routes taken by asylum seekers from Africa and Asia through such transit points as Lampedusa and across Europe to Calais, it looks at depictions of the suffering associated with travel, disaster, and problematic arrival, and at the interaction in tragic writing between old motifs and conventions (tragedy as understood by Aristotle or Hegel) and current issues and resources. Fresh insights are offered into the work of poets from migrant backgrounds (Warsan Shire, Ribkha Sibhatu) and into a range of modes from lyric (James Byrne) through experiments with translation and performance (Caroline Bergvall) into the late modernism of Geraldine Monk, J. H. Prynne, and Jeff Hilson.

Victor Place was appointed as a consul to Mosul in 1851, where having arrived in 1852 he started excavations at Khorsabad. Financial problems forced him to stop this activity towards the end of 1853. As the Interior Ministry appointed him to another post in 1854, he wanted to transport the Khorsabad finds before he left Mosul. However, the roads were extremely unsafe because of the Muntafiq Arab tribes’ revolt. The local authorities repeatedly warned Place about this problem, stressing that he should wait until after the revolt was over before leaving. But despite these warnings, Place transported the Khorsabad finds from Mosul to Baghdad by keleks (rafts). The plan was then to transport them to Basra from Baghdad. Place set off on the river with a fleet made up of four keleks and a ship. Smuggled goods loaded on the ship made it heavier and attracted the attention of looters. On 21 May 1855, the fleet was attacked by bandits in the region of Kurna, located between Baghdad and Basra. The ship and two keleks sank at the spot, while the remaining two keleks arrived at Basra with some of the rescued goods. Various attempts to retrieve the sunken finds then followed. This article accordingly considers new data on the Kurna accident, drawing on Ottoman archival sources, particularly reports written at the time that discussed the possible causes of the accident and the negligent actions linked to it. As the destroyed memory of Khorsabad makes clear, archaeology cannot be rushed.

Deep-water technology and commercial interests have put the protection of underwater cultural heritage under considerable pressure in recent decades. Yet the 2001 UNESCO Convention has the potential to fend off the threat—if fully implemented. This article sets out the legislative duties States Parties have under one of the Convention's core provisions: Article 16. It requires States Parties to take a triad of legislative measures: they must enact prohibitions, impose criminal sanctions and establish corresponding jurisdiction over their nationals and vessels. In addition, the comprehensive protection of underwater cultural heritage also necessitates measures covering acts of corporate treasure hunters, even though this is not required by the Convention itself.

The discovery of the Nan'ao One shipwreck off the southern coast of China throws new light onto Chinese maritime trade during the late Ming period. The primary cargo was a massive consignment of blue-and-white export porcelain, most probably destined for markets in Southeast Asia or Europe. Compositional analysis was performed on 11 fragments of blue-and-white export porcelain from the wreck site and on 64 samples from 3 Chinese porcelain production centres. The results indicate that the blue-and-white export porcelain recovered from the Nan'ao One came from two sources: the Jingdezhen and Zhangzhou kilns. Given the location of the shipwreck, the most probable destinations were the Portuguese trading centre at Macau or the Dutch at Batavia.

This article reads Acts 27–28.10 as an ‘aquatic display’ that offers Christ-believers a spectacle of navigating the stormy imperial world. It argues that Pliny's Panegyricus similarly employs aquatic displays to instruct in negotiating the emperor Trajan's power. It identifies four means in Acts 27 that assert Rome's power – judicial, military, economic, and the sea as a contested site where the sovereignties of God and Rome compete and cooperate – and which Christ-believers must negotiate by various means including submission, awareness of danger, courage, social interaction, agency, contribution to well-being, and discernment of and contestive allegiance to God's greater sovereignty.

In the North Sea, observations of the solitary coral Caryophyllia smithii are mostly limited to the north-east coast of the United Kingdom including the Shetland and Orkney islands. To date, C. smithii has not been reported from far offshore locations in the North Sea south of 57.7°N. Distribution of this species appears limited by the restricted availability of natural hard substrata in the central southern North Sea. There are, however, many artificial hard substrata in this area in the form of shipwrecks and offshore oil and gas installations. These may provide stepping stones for C. smithii to expand its distribution. Here we report the first sighting of C. smithii in the central southern North Sea on an unidentified wreck on the Dogger Bank. This is the first offshore observation of any hard coral in the central southern North Sea.

The siboglinid tubeworm, Lamellibrachia sp. (Annelida: Vestimentifera) has recently been described and reported from various sites in the eastern basin and in a single site in the western basin of the Mediterranean Sea. Here we report a further record of Lamellibrachia sp. in the western Mediterranean, where these giant worms were sampled—by the grabbers of a working class ROV—from the shipwreck of the liner ‘Catania’, sunk in 1917 at 490 m depth off the coast of Cetraro (Calabria, southern Tyrrhenian Sea, Italy). Twenty-seven entire tubes were collected ranging from 23 to 60 cm in length and from 0.6 to 13 mm in diameter. Clear annulations were present near the tube openings. Only two of the tubes contained specimens of Lamellibrachia, both lacking most of the posterior portion (including the opisthosoma); the obturaculum was 13 mm long in both specimens; three sheath lamellae and eight branchial lamellae occurred in one specimen, and six and 14 in the other. DNA analysis through COI sequencing suggests a close similarity with specimens collected in the eastern Mediterranean (GenBank EU046616) and belonging to a new species recently described. It needs still to be clarified which type of energy source the obligate symbiotic bacteria of these worms may use for nutrition, since no sulphur emissions can be documented on and around the shipwreck. The ‘Catania’ contained some wooden structures and was transporting cotton balls and oil seeds, so the symbiotic bacteria may rely on degradation of these materials. This record stresses the importance of shipwreck as a possible stepping stone habitat for the large scale dispersion of Vestimentifera.

An ex-Royal Navy frigate, HMS ‘Scylla’, was placed on the seabed in Whitsand Bay, south Cornwall on 27 March 2004. After five years, the reef supported a mature steel wreck community. The colonization of the reef showed wide fluctuations in species abundance in the first two years but, by 2006, most species that dominated or characterized the reef after five years had settled. Significant colonization events included settlement of barnacles, tubeworms and hydroids within a month and remarkably high settlements of the sea urchin Psammechinus miliaris and the queen scallop Aequipecten opercularis in the first year together with starfish Asterias rubens, solitary sea squirts and ephemeral algae. The plumose anemone Metridium senile, a characteristic species of wrecks, arrived in late summer 2004 but the widely distributed dead man's fingers Alcyonium digitatum was not observed until spring 2005. Wrasse were slow to colonize the reef but were established in small numbers by the end of 2007. Sea fans, Eunicella verrucosa, were first observed in August 2007. The species count for the reef stood at 263 taxa by the end of March 2009. The inside of the reef remained poorly colonized even after five years. Areas coated with tributyltin (TBT) antifouling paint only had colonization where the paint had flaked-off or on non-toxic paint markings, but with some indication that colonization may be occurring by a very few species especially near to non-TBT areas. Many species characteristic of natural reefs had not settled and neither do they occur on older wrecks including branching axinellid sponges, some cushion sponges and the yellow cluster anemone Parazoanthus axinellae. The artificial reef developed a community that was distinctly different to nearby natural rock reefs and such artificial structures should not be considered as a replacement for damaged or destroyed natural habitats.