During a pioneering aerial survey of the Near East in the 1920s, Father Antoine Poidebard recorded hundreds of fortified military buildings that traced the eastern frontier of the Roman Empire. Based on their distribution, Poidebard proposed that these forts represented a line of defence against incursions from the east. Utilising declassified images from the CORONA and HEXAGON spy satellite programmes, the authors report on the identification of a further 396 forts widely distributed across the northern Fertile Crescent. The addition of these forts questions Poidebard's defensive frontier thesis and suggests instead that the structures played a role in facilitating the movement of people and goods across the Syrian steppe.

The paper is a contribution to a discussion on the dating of Eunapius’ Vitae Sophistarum. Arguments are put forward that Eunapius’ remark on the necrolatry of the monks of Canopus reflects the establishment of a cult of Saints Cyrus and John. Since this event took place when the Church of Alexandria was headed by Cyril, we may consider the beginning of his archbishopric (October 18, 412 CE) as a reliable terminus post quem for the publication of this text.

Justinian's codification may be considered a coherent aggregate of all the law existing in A.D. 530–534. On the basis of this and his subsequent legislation it appears that the condicio coloniaria existed in his reign in two forms. One, the adscripticiate, based on a contract by which a person fixated his origo from a town onto an estate. This implied his coming under the potestas of the estate owner and the treatment of his possessions as if peculium, while his descendants were tied to this origo and its implications. The other, a colonate with the origo also fixed to an estate, but without the implications mentioned before: hence ‘free’ coloni. This latter colonate came primarily into existence if an adscripticius had performed services during thirty years.

This article reconsiders a set of Late Roman inscriptions which record the tax liabilities of dozens of landowners in terms of post-Diocletianic fiscality. The stones, from eleven cities in the Aegean and western Asia Minor, are evaluated as evidence for the social and economic history of the Late Empire, challenging Jones' fundamental study in which the inscriptions are read as a sign of structural crisis. With their non-Egyptian provenance, the inscriptions offer unique, quantitative insights into land-ownership and labour. The inscriptions reveal surprising levels of slave labour in the eastern provinces, particularly in a new inscription from Thera. This last document allows, for the first time, an empirical analysis of the demographics of an estate-based population of slaves in antiquity.

Building on recent scholarship concerning the ‘colonate of the late Roman Empire’, and focusing in particular upon the vocabulary used in the legal sources, this paper offers three propositions. First, the colonatus of the legislation was not a legal shorthand for the ‘colonate’ of modern historiographical debate. Second, the coloni of the legislation were not a discrete group of individuals subjected to a definable, articulated set of restrictions. Finally, it is not colonatus but rather the origo and the link it created between individuals and the land which is the key to the tax system of the late Roman Empire.