The COVID-19 pandemic has had negative mental health outcomes in populations, but the suicide numbers in Finland have remained unchanged compared with expected levels based on the pre-pandemic period. We included all deaths from suicide verified by the official cause-of-death investigations, including forensic autopsy with analysis of forensic toxicology samples, between 1 January 2016 and 31 December 2020 in Finland. There was a decline in suicide incidence from 2016 to 2020 in men, and a declining tendency in suicide rates for every consecutive month during the COVID-19 pandemic period. The COVID-19 governmental policy responses do not seem to have led to an increase in suicide numbers.

When human remains are found, apart from helping explain the cause of death and determining the extent of any injuries, forensic pathologists are usually requested to determine the identity of the deceased and how much time has elapsed since his death. In the Czech Republic, the criminal liability for murder is set to a statute of limitations of 20 years. In our pilot study, tissue samples of human remains from two decedents were radiocarbon (14C) dated to estimate the date of death. In agreement with published literature, we have confirmed relatively short carbon turnover time in hair, nail, and bone fat. Therefore these samples are the most appropriate for determining date of death. Other samples, such as teeth (collagen and carbonate form) and collagen isolated from bone samples, which exhibit relatively long carbon turnover time, can be used to reduce ambiguity of dating results and to indicate some interfering influences. Given the possibility of processing multiple sample types, we also propose brief guidelines for comparing and interpreting the results of individual analyses.

After his abdication in November 1918, the German emperor Wilhelm II continued to haunt the minds of his people. With the abolition of the lese-majesty laws in the new republic, many topics that were only discussed privately or obliquely before could now be broached openly. One of these topics was the mental state of the exiled Kaiser. Numerous psychiatrists, physicians and laypeople published their diagnoses of Wilhelm in high-circulation newspaper articles, pamphlets, and books shortly after the end of the war. Whether these diagnoses were accurate and whether the Kaiser really was mentally ill became the issue of a heated debate.

This article situates these diagnoses of Wilhelm II in their political context. The authors of these diagnoses – none of whom had met or examined Wilhelm II in person – came from all political camps and they wrote with very different motives in mind. Diagnosing the exiled Kaiser as mentally ill was a kind of exorcism of the Hohenzollern rule, opening the way for either a socialist republic or the hoped-for rule of a new leader. But more importantly, it was a way to discuss and allocate political responsibility and culpability. Psychiatric diagnoses were used to exonerate both the Emperor (for whom the treaty of Versailles provided a tribunal as war criminal) and the German nation. They were also used to blame the Kaiser’s entourage and groups that had allegedly manipulated the weak-willed monarch. Medical concepts became a vehicle for a debate on the key political questions in interwar Germany.

More and more, youth suicide in the Inuit community is gaining importance, with a frequency in Greenland rising from 14.4 (1960–64) to 110.4 per 100,000 person-years (2010–11). The huge cultural/educational changes during the last 20 years and the role of globalization, especially of the occidental influence on this community may be at the origin of such an “epidemics” of suicide in this cultural region. Recently, a political organization representing the Inuit community in Canada (ITK for Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami) launched a National Inuit Suicide Prevention Strategy (NISP) based on the specificities of this community in comparison to the occidental civilization. In fact, not only the Canadian Inuit community is concerned by this epidemics of suicide, but also many other autochthonous groups. In this context, the European Psychiatric Association (EPA) guidance on suicide treatment and prevention needs to be adjusted to autochthonous individuals’ needs.

This article aims to explain why the notion of mania puerperalis, or puerperal insanity, was not used in the Netherlands to exonerate women accused of infanticide, in contrast to other countries. It applies the concept of ‘travelling knowledge’ as an approach to the history of forensic medicine, pointing to the fields of medicine and law as contact zones inviting, promoting or barring the transmission of knowledge. Although the notion of mania puerperalis was known in the Netherlands from 1822 on, psychiatric expertise was not requested in actual court cases of infanticide for several reasons. First, physicians and legal scholars continued to doubt the existence of this form of mania. Moreover, it was not always directly connected to infanticide. Also, the specific formulation of the law strongly determined what medical evidence was needed in court cases. Not only did the Code Pénal generally emphasise material evidence, the laws on infanticide specifically mentioned fear and therefore an additional reference to the mental condition of the accused was not needed. Most importantly, the article argues that the existing vocabulary on emotion, both vernacular and medical, already allowed for an analysis of psychic components.