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While the Russian invasion of Ukraine has been overwhelmingly condemned by the churches of the world, the support of the Russian Orthodox Church for the war poses difficult questions to the ecumenical community: in particular, whether that church’s support for the war and the extreme nationalist policies of President Putin constitute grounds for suspending it from the World Council of Churches (WCC) and other ecumenical bodies. The current ecumenical emphasis upon ‘dialogue’ acts as a deterrent to such action, but the WCC describes itself as a fellowship of churches that confess Christ as God and Saviour and therefore supreme over all other authorities. There are parallels with previous challenges in ecumenical history, most particularly 1930s Germany and the stand of the Confessing Church. While dialogue has its own importance the prime ecumenical commitment in conflict situations is to confess Christ, whatever the risks of division that this incurs.
Part II (Chapters 4-7) looks at the first empirical case study: Germany. To explore how religion, right-wing populism and identity politics interact in the German context, Chapter 4 begins with a review of the historical development of church–state relations in Germany and the ‘happy marriage of convenience’ between religion and liberal democracy in Germany after World War II. It examines the constitutional, institutional and political nature of Germany’s constitutional settlement of a benevolent neutrality of the state towards the churches and analyses its implications for the behaviour of church elites and modern-day politics. In so doing this chapter sets the social, political and institutional context in which to understand the rise of the AfD and its religiously laden right-wing identity politics.
One of the many fascinating ironies about the 1930s and 1940s is the prevailing assumption in the west that the world was secular, even while Christian thinkers and theologians played prominent public roles and incorporated Christian ethics into their world views. Christians during the period sometimes saw themselves as the beleaguered other and other times embraced “secular” norms of social and political interaction as integral to their Christian ethics. These norms were embodied in movements ranging from communism and anti-imperialism to rampant bureaucratization and militarization. Many British and US (if not French) elites, including government leaders, academics, and the new legal professionals, came from a Christian formation, and scholars are recovering the ethical, including religious, formations of influential figures such as Herbert Butterfield, Norman Angel, and Arnold Toynbee, precursors of the contemporary English School.1 John Foster Dulles’s religious world view and its influence on the Commission for a Just and Durable Peace, Reinhold Niebuhr’s political theology and its foundational role in postwar international relations theory, and Jacques Maritain’s infusion of Christian personalism into transnational human rights all had theoretical and policy repercussions far beyond national boundaries. Other Christian activists and theologians – including Dietrich Bonhoeffer, Dorothy Day, A. J. Muste, Simone Weil, and the religious writers of the Harlem Renaissance – created lasting legacies on the ethics of addressing not only violence but also poverty, class, and race. As a result, they also need to be included in the Christian/IR/ethical pantheon of this era.
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