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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 13 November 2024
1 Kim, Hodong, Holy War in China: The Muslim Rebellion and State in Chinese Central Asia, 1864–1877 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Thum, Rian, The Sacred Routes of Uyghur History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
2 Schluessel, Eric, Land of Strangers: The Civilizing Project in Qing Central Asia (New York: Columbia University Press, 2020).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
3 Salt, both as a mineral substance and as a metaphor for the relationship between ruler and servants, appears throughout Sayrami’s narrative (13, 85, 92, 174, 215, 294, 301, 322, 360–365), indicative of its cultural and practical importance in nineteenth century Xinjiang. I flag this detail here to demonstrate the wide variety of ways Schluessel’s translation might be employed for social, cultural, or economic histories that may or may not center the East Turkestan rebellion of 1864–1877.
4 Elverskog, Johan, A History of Uyghur Buddhism (New York: Columbia University Press, 2024), 135–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Millward, James A., Eurasian Crossroads: A History of Xinjiang (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007), 51–54.Google Scholar
5 The term “polytheist” makes a couple of suggestive appearances (20, 139), while “infidels” appears a great deal more (e.g., 5, 16–17, 142–143, 155, 180, 238). Future research may well examine the nuances of these terms in Sayrami’s chronicle. As Schluessel observes, Sayrami excluded Dungans, or Chinese-speaking Muslims, when using the term “Muslim” (xxxi). Consider the following sentence: “They laid hands on the infidels, established Islam, and whether they were Chinese or Dungans, massacred them just the same” (217).
6 Here (79), as noted by Schluessel, Sayrami appears to make a reference to the Second Opium War.
7 See for instance Cohen, Paul A., “Remembering and Forgetting National Humiliation in Twentieth-Century China,” Twentieth-Century China 27.2 (2002), 1–39 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
8 For more on related tales among Chinese-speaking Muslims, see Zvi Ben-Dor Benite, “The Marrano Emperor: The Mysterious Bond between Zhu Yuanzhang and the Chinese Muslims,” in Long Live the Emperor! Uses of the Ming Founder Across Six Centuries of East Asian History, edited by Schneewind, Sarah (Minneapolis: Society for Ming Studies, 2008), 275–308 Google Scholar.
9 Sayrami’s hesitation regarding the pedigree of Guangxu is well-founded: since the Tongzhi Emperor (r. 1861–1875) died without a male heir, a grandson of the Daoguang emperor (r. 1820–1850) assumed the throne as the Guangxu Emperor (r. 1875–1908).
10 Brown, Tristan G., “From Fenye to Fengshui: Applying Correlative Cosmography in Late Imperial China,” HoST-Journal of History of Science and Technology 18.1 (2024), 61–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
11 Brown, Tristan G., Laws of the Land: Fengshui and the State in Qing Dynasty China (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2023), 20–60.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
12 Consider that the Ming and Qing states oversaw a “Muslim Section” (Huihui ke) of the Astronomical Bureau in Beijing that operated through 1657. Chang, Ping-Ying, The Chinese Astronomical Bureau, 1620–1850: Lineages, Bureaucracy, and Technical Expertise (London: Routledge, 2023), 19.Google Scholar
13 Note that Sayrami does not explicitly refer to Yunnan as an administrative unit in the text but rather alludes to the area’s Muslim population.