Introduction
Analyses of ancestral Maya canals, reservoirs, and raised fields solely for agriculture has prevailed in archaeological research. Yet Maya populations, like other people living near modified waterscapes, have focused on integrated subsistence from various sources, not just agriculture. Maya indeed cultivated plants across time, but they also gathered and “farmed” much food from their domesticated environments, including wetlands. Furthermore, while water management is crucial for agriculture and drinking water, the waterscapes are also important for fish, insects, and water plants useful to humans. Significantly, aquatic and terrestrial resources are intertwined in the use of human-modified lakes, chinampa raised fields, and canals (Figure 1) in central Mexico (De Lucia Reference De Lucia2021; Gómez-Pompa et al. Reference Gómez-Pompa, Morales, Avilla, Avilla and Flannery1982; Parsons Reference Parsons2006; Pérez Espinosa Reference Pérez Espinosa and Rabiela1985). In this article, I focus on similar, but often-neglected, ancestral Maya domesticated waterscapes and aquaculture dietary resources, particularly fish. I advocate for an aquaculture-based Maya subsistence regime where aquatic resources from canals and reservoirs supplemented irrigation agriculture in many areas. Select Maya populations, such as modern Lacandon communities in Chiapas and Chontal Maya in Tabasco, Mexico, for example, include fishing as a main dietary practice. New archaeological, ethnohistoric, and ethnographic insights presented here, in addition to comparative studies on modern Maya ecological aquaculture and integrated subsistence, indicate that both plant and fish resources, and not just agriculture, should be considered when researching ancestral canals, wetland cultivation, and raised fields.
Insights on ancestral Maya water management and intensive agriculture, including ecological aquaculture, help explain why Maya canals and raised fields pre-date large cities and ruling elites (Pohl et al. Reference Pohl, Bloom, Pope and Pohl1990, Reference Pohl, Pope, Jones, Jacob, Piperno, deFrance, Lentz, Gifford, Danforth and Kathryn Josserand1996). Waterscape domestication by Maya families allowed increased access to aquatic, forest, and terrestrial products besides cultivated crops. Maya and Mesoamerican people following integrated subsistence express connections culturally between aquatic and agricultural resources, like the Nahua “water mountain” (altepetl), Huichol “green corn is fish [with both] carried in nets,” and Mixtec creation places combining land, maize, water, and fish symbolism (Taube Reference Taube1986:58). Mesoamerican iconography also attests to integrated aquatic and terrestrial subsistence practices and not just agriculture. I refer to Maya and Olmec art that illustrates fish, crustaceans, and water plants, in addition to the Tepantitla murals at Teotihuacan (Figure 2) depicting a cleft water mountain on a lake with canals supporting fish and plants in wetland fields and fish ponds (camellones) harvested by people (Taube Reference Taube1986). Elite ancient Maya art (Figure 3) depicts fish and headdresses with fish and waterlilies (Arroyo and Henderson Reference Arroyo, Henderson, Houk, Arroyo and Powis2020; Puleston Reference Puleston and Hammond1977; Taube Reference Taube1986), symbolizing elites’ divine ties to aquatic origin places and resources for their communities. Similarly, modern Lacandon Maya make ceramic figurines for the guardian of the fish (xok; Figure 3), who releases her fish children for community consumption in exchange for ritual offerings.
In this article, I discuss Maya ecological aquaculture and integrated subsistence with wetland fields, canals, and fish ponds in the context of intensive fish farming and domesticated landscapes. Essential information from previous research on ancestral Maya wetland features and archaeological fish bones are also outlined. I then examine domesticated waterscapes through evidence from the western Maya lowlands of Chiapas and Tabasco while focusing on new archaeological and ethnographic information from Mensabak in Chiapas, Mexico. While created in the past, some large-scale ancestral Maya canals and raised fields are still used for cultivation and fishing, like canals and reservoirs at Edzna, Campeche, and Pulltrouser Swamp in Belize (Faust Reference Faust1999; Harrison Reference Harrison, Scarborough and Isaac1993; Matheny et al. Reference Matheny, Gurr, Forsyth and Richard Hauck1983; Puleston Reference Puleston, Harrison and Turner1978), which emphasizes their ecological sustainability. Furthermore, I present Maya domesticated waterscapes in the contexts of research on water management and intensive integrated subsistence. I add insights through comparative studies of ecological aquaculture and domesticated landscapes, which recognize the integration of terrestrial and aquatic resources when available. I will concentrate on how ancestral Maya in the western lowlands have harvested fish, but also turtles, water fowl, and reeds, from managed waterscapes near their agricultural fields, like other global populations exploiting large-scale aquaculture ecosystems for intensive, integrated subsistence. Information on Maya canals and wetland fields will be presented along with findings of fish in the Maya diet across time. For lack of space and data, I do not treat issues related to political or historical ecology, sustainability, environmental science, and evolutionary biology. Furthermore, I leave considerations of inherited ecologies, labor and resource management, and religious landscape ideology for future publications.
For my discussion of Maya aquatic resources and integrated subsistence, I follow the comparative perspectives of “domesticated landscapes” in anthropology and biological sciences, where humans enable mutual benefits between plant and animal populations through ecosystem modifications (Baker Reference Baker, Thurston and Fisher2007; Erickson Reference Erickson and Lentz2000b; Fedick Reference Fedick and Fedick1996; Puleston Reference Puleston, Harrison and Turner1978; Roosevelt Reference Roosevelt and Lentz2000; Smith Reference Smith2011; Varela Scherrer and Liendo Stuardo Reference Varela Scherrer and Stuardo2022). In domesticated landscape studies, investigators contextualize resource utilization and knowledge for human survival in an interactive species matrix (Terrell and Hart Reference Terrell, Hart, David and Thomas2008:331; Terrell et. al Reference Terrell, Hart, Barut, Cellinese, Antonio Curet, Denham, Kusimba, Latinis, Oka, Palka, Pohl, Williams, Haines and Staller2003:323, 333). Domesticated landscapes (and waterscapes) allow societies to adapt to their surroundings, flourish in particular environments, and diversify their provisioning of everyday foods and useful materials. This analysis results in a complete subsistence “spread sheet” for a bigger picture of human adaptations and modifications of their surroundings for survival. Furthermore, knowledge of integrated subsistence from domesticated waterscapes with both terrestrial and aquatic resources is critical to biological and ecological studies of freshwater aquaculture (Brugere Reference Brugere, Halwart and van Dam2006; Costa-Pierce Reference Costa-Pierce and Costa-Pierce2014a; Li Reference Li, Li and Mathias1994; Yang Reference Yang, Li and Mathias1994a) on which I focus. These specialists do not just examine water management and wetland agriculture, they consider aquatic foods and domesticated waterscapes with fish, plants, invertebrates, and crop management in integrated ecological aquaculture (Chopin Reference Chopin, Christou, Savin, Costa-Pierce, Misztal and Whitelaw2013; Costa-Pierce Reference Costa-Pierce and Costa-Pierce2014b; Edwards Reference Edwards2015; Renard et al. Reference Renard, Iriarte, Birk, Rostain, Glaser and McKey2012; Welcomme Reference Welcomme, Crisman, Chapman, Chapman and Kaufman2003; Yang Reference Yang, Li and Mathias1994b). The interactions between aquatic and terrestrial realms for human subsistence are more complex than watering plants with canals and controlling water. The aquatic plants and organic matter in the waterscapes, especially nitrogen from fish, provide crucial nutrients for cultivated plants. The plants in turn provide shade and sustenance from insects and detritus to fish, turtles, frogs, and aquatic birds subsequently captured in the restricted canals and reservoirs. Hence, many ancestral Maya people domesticated their waterscapes for the benefit of aquatic species, especially fish, and ultimately for themselves.
Research on ancestral Maya wetland cultivation and monumental raised-field and canal works, for instance, does not pay sufficient attention to the fish, turtles, birds, and plants in the integrated subsistence regime created by people over time. Several investigators have mentioned the potential of domesticated waterscapes for fish protein and plant resources, including useful palms and reeds, and even insects (Parsons Reference Parsons2006; Varela Scherrer and Liendo Stuardo Reference Varela Scherrer and Stuardo2022; Williams Reference Williams2022a, Reference Williams2022b; Wiseman Reference Wiseman1983), but few scholars have explored their complete subsistence and resource potential. Subsequently, future investigators can study ecological aquaculture and integrated subsistence by recognizing the potential in the domesticated waterscapes, water management, and wetland agriculture in the Maya area and across the world as a managed resource mosaic (Fedick Reference Fedick and Fedick1996; Ford and Nigh Reference Ford and Nigh2015; Gómez-Pompa Reference Gómez-Pompa, Gómez-Pompa, Allen, Fedick and Jiménez-Osornio2003).
Background: Maya wetland agriculture and water management
In examining domesticated waterscapes, a summary of research on ancestral Maya wetland agriculture and water management is necessary. Ancestral Maya waterscape studies have kept a taut focus on wetland agriculture and cultivated fields (Beach et al. Reference Beach, Luzzadder-Beach, Lohse and Lohse2013; Dunning et al. Reference Dunning, Ruhl, Carr, Beach, Brown and Luzzadder-Beach2020; Hansen et al. Reference Hansen, Morales-Aguilar, Thompson, Ensley, Hernández, Schreiner, Suyuc-Ley and Martínez2002; Lentz et al. Reference Lentz, Dunning, Sheets, Beach, Luzzadder-Beach, Wyatt, Robin, Larmon, Lucero and Valdez2022; Lucero Reference Lucero, Marcus and Stanish2006; Turner and Harrison Reference Turner and Harrison2000). In specific areas, ancestral Maya dug canals in floodplains and placed sediments on adjacent fields or agricultural zones. Investigators have studied how intensive wetland agriculture was undertaken (Figure 4) by Maya managing canal construction and irrigation since Preclassic times (ca. 1000 b.c.–a.d. 200; Hansen et al. Reference Hansen, Morales-Aguilar, Thompson, Ensley, Hernández, Schreiner, Suyuc-Ley and Martínez2002; Pohl et al. Reference Pohl, Pope, Jones, Jacob, Piperno, deFrance, Lentz, Gifford, Danforth and Kathryn Josserand1996). They have also examined Classic period (ca. a.d. 200–950) canals and reservoirs to examine ancestral Maya water control, elite labor management, and intensive agriculture in wetlands and adjacent lands (Beach et al. Reference Beach, Luzzadder-Beach, Lohse and Lohse2013; Canuto et al. Reference Canuto, Estrada-Belli, Garrison, Houston, Acuña, Kováč, Marken, Nondédéo, Auld-Thomas, Castanet, Chatelain, Chiriboga, Drápela, Lieskovoký, Tokovinine, Velasquez, Fernández-Díaz and Shrestha2018; Gunn et al. Reference Gunn, Folan, Isendahl, Domínquez Carrasco, Faust, Volta, Chase and Scarborough2014; Pohl et al. Reference Pohl, Bloom, Pope and Pohl1990; Scarborough Reference Scarborough1998). Furthermore, scholars have investigated reservoirs for water storage and canals for drainage for Maya agriculture while briefly mentioning that they teemed with fish (Arroyo and Henderson Reference Arroyo, Henderson, Houk, Arroyo and Powis2020; Beach et al. Reference Beach, Luzzadder-Beach, Krause, Guderjan, Valdez, Fernández-Díaz, Eshleman and Doyle2019; Harrison Reference Harrison, Scarborough and Isaac1993; Harrison-Buck Reference Harrison-Buck2014; Masson Reference Masson and McAnany2004; Matheny et al. Reference Matheny, Gurr, Forsyth and Richard Hauck1983; Pohl Reference Pohl and Pohl1985; Wiseman Reference Wiseman1983). Researchers have even noted that Maya people still fish in the canals and reservoirs (Faust Reference Faust1999; Harrison Reference Harrison, Scarborough and Isaac1993; Puleston Reference Puleston, Harrison and Turner1978; Thompson Reference Thompson and Hammond1974). Scholars studying Postclassic Maya societies (a.d. 950–1525) who shifted their settlements near water have examined fish resources, particularly in marine environments (Alexander et al. Reference Alexander, Hunter, Arata, Cervantes, Scudder, Gotz and Emery2013; Jiménez-Cano Reference Jiménez-Cano2019). Few researchers, however, have investigated reservoirs, canals, and lakes for Maya ecological aquaculture and integrated subsistence. They typically do not examine hydraulic engineering to maintain fish, turtle, and mollusk populations, among other plant and animal species. Like domesticated landscapes where terraces and fields support plant and human communities, people domesticate waterscapes for reliable food.
Earlier studies of waterscapes incorporating ethnographic observations briefly explored Maya fishing in canals with substantial fish populations (Denevan Reference Denevan1970; Harrison Reference Harrison and Fedick1996; Matheny et al. Reference Matheny, Gurr, Forsyth and Richard Hauck1983; Puleston Reference Puleston and Hammond1977; Siemens and Puleston Reference Siemens and Puleston1972; Thompson Reference Thompson and Hammond1974; Turner and Harrison Reference Turner and Harrison2000). These observations were bolstered with historic Maya sources mentioning fishing in river floodplain canals and lagoons in Tabasco (Figure 4; Gómez-Pompa et al. Reference Gómez-Pompa, Morales, Avilla, Avilla and Flannery1982; Pohl Reference Pohl and Pohl1985). Yet, scholars have not synthesized archaeological, ethnographic, or scientific data on Maya fishing in canals and reservoirs diachronically, as I do here. Additionally, few investigators mention Maya domesticating extensive waterscapes for integrated ecological aquaculture for supplemental protein for agriculture (Chopin Reference Chopin, Christou, Savin, Costa-Pierce, Misztal and Whitelaw2013; Costa-Pierce Reference Costa-Pierce and Costa-Pierce2014b; Li Reference Li, Li and Mathias1994). Archaeologists excavating wetland fields and canals, however, have demonstrated the importance of fish for ancestral Maya through the recovery of fish bones (Carr Reference Carr and Pohl1985; Thornton Reference Thornton2012). Additionally, a project at Albion Island, Belize, retrieved fish bones in canal and raised-field deposits dominated by catfish (bagres) and cichlid species (mojarras; Pohl et al. Reference Pohl, Bloom, Pope and Pohl1990:263), which thrive in ecological aquaculture. Specific fish species, however, are difficult to identify from small bones.
Investigators working on Maya canals, wetlands, and raised fields have not acquired much cultural and scientific data on ancient to modern fishing and aquaculture. Instead, they concentrate on wetland cultivation, water storage in reservoirs, canals for draining fields, and water management to mitigate flooding and drought, which were important for Maya civilization (Dunning et al. Reference Dunning, Brewer, Carr, Hernández, Beach, Chmilar, Sierra, Griffin, Lentz, Luzzadder-Beach, Reese-Taylor, Saturno, Scarborough, Smyth, Valdez, Larmon, Lucero and Valdez2022; Hansen et al. Reference Hansen, Morales-Aguilar, Thompson, Ensley, Hernández, Schreiner, Suyuc-Ley and Martínez2002; Gunn et al. Reference Gunn, Folan, Isendahl, Domínquez Carrasco, Faust, Volta, Chase and Scarborough2014; Lucero Reference Lucero, Marcus and Stanish2006; Luzzadder-Beach et al. Reference Luzzadder-Beach, Beach, Hutson and Krause2016). Investigators also concentrate on crop productivity, soil qualities, and plant diversity for human use on the shores of lakes and canals (Beach et al. Reference Beach, Luzzadder-Beach, Krause, Guderjan, Valdez, Fernández-Díaz, Eshleman and Doyle2019; Darch Reference Darch, Turner and Harrison2000; Harrison Reference Harrison, Scarborough and Isaac1993; Lentz et al. Reference Lentz, Dunning, Sheets, Beach, Luzzadder-Beach, Wyatt, Robin, Larmon, Lucero and Valdez2022). But through aquaculture perspectives, plants near canals and ponds were also important for maintaining fish populations, since they give shade, food, nutrients for invertebrates, in addition to water filtration. Where rivers, lakes, and seasonal waterscape flooding are found, canals and reservoirs produce many useful plants in addition to fish (Denevan Reference Denevan1970, Reference Denevan and Flannery1982; Harrison-Buck et al. Reference Harrison-Buck, Clarke-Vivier, Phillips and Runggaldier2020; Turner and Harrison Reference Turner and Harrison2000). The canals connecting to rivers effectively bring in freshwater, nutrients, and fish to the reservoirs. In one case, an array of canals, raised fields, and reservoirs adjacent to the Candelaria River at the site of El Tigre presents an example of Maya floodplain agriculture and integrated ecological aquaculture over the last 2,000 years (Siemens Reference Siemens, Harrison and Turner1978). These features were dug in swamps with fluctuating water levels between rainy versus dry seasons. Their extensive sizes, which add air exposure, increase water oxygenation for fish. Their ample constructions also allow for extensive foliage growth within the waterscapes providing food to invertebrates and fish to power the subsistence system.
Archaeologists have also found construction features, including berms, walls, and stone alignments, in Maya waterscapes (Berry and McAnany Reference Berry, McAnany, Scarborough and Clark2007; Fedick Reference Fedick, Gómez-Pompa, Allen, Fedick and Jiménez-Osornio2003; Hansen et al. Reference Hansen, Morales-Aguilar, Thompson, Ensley, Hernández, Schreiner, Suyuc-Ley and Martínez2002; Harrison Reference Harrison and Fedick1996; Matheny and Gurr Reference Matheny and Gurr1979; Pohl et al. Reference Pohl, Bloom, Pope and Pohl1990; Scarbourough Reference Scarborough1991; Siemens and Hebda Reference Siemens and Hebda2009; Turner and Harrison Reference Turner and Harrison2000). Variable Maya dredging techniques and filling with clay, sand, and stone have been noted. These investigations also identified stacked stone retention walls, clay liners, and earthen berms for dams, clay canal walls, and probable linear stone weirs or fish traps. In some projects, wooden poles, or possible fish weirs, were recovered in waterlogged deposits (Lowe and Alvarez Asomoza Reference Lowe, Asomoza, Lowe and Pye2007; Pohl et al. Reference Pohl, Bloom, Pope and Pohl1990:218–221), but their function was not explored. Archaeologists also found carbonized and waterlogged plants from the canals and fields (Darch Reference Darch, Turner and Harrison2000). The burning effectively fertilized the aquaculture system. The findings demonstrate that ancestral Maya cultivated a variety of plants, including maize, squash, cassava, and cotton (Beach et al. Reference Beach, Luzzadder-Beach, Krause, Guderjan, Valdez, Fernández-Díaz, Eshleman and Doyle2019; Puleston Reference Puleston and Hammond1977:454–455), which also benefitted fish populations.
Cross-cultural studies also provide informative perspectives on wetland resources, especially fish. In this vein, African artificial floodplain fish pools (“finger ponds”) and Amazonian fish ponds used for ecological aquaculture are similar to ancestral Maya canalized wetland cultivation and raised fields (Erickson Reference Erickson2000a, Reference Erickson and Lentz2000b; Welcomme Reference Welcomme1975:26). Comparative Amazonian floodplain reservoirs farmed by communities have produced between 100,000–400,000 fish per hectare or 1,000 kg of fish per hectare per year (Erickson Reference Erickson2000a:191). In Africa and Asia, some 500–700 kilograms of fish per hectare have been raised (Welcomme Reference Welcomme2001:139). Similar amounts of fish could have been extracted in ancestral Maya ecological aquaculture. Comparative research in the Americas has also demonstrated that many types of fish remains, in addition to wooden posts and stones for fish weirs, materials for smoking fish, cooking areas, stone cutting tools for processing fish, net fragments and weights, projectile points, and hooks can be archaeologically recovered (Connaway Reference Connaway1982; Lyons Reference Lyons and Yu2015; McKillop and Aoyama Reference McKillop and Aoyama2018; Rice et al. Reference Rice, Rice and Pugh2017; Rodríguez Galicia Reference Rodríguez Galicia2017; Yu Reference Yu2015). Therefore, people living in sites on floodplains or near wetland fields, reservoirs, and canals in various parts of Mesoamerica may also have intensified aquatic resource production (Ebel Reference Ebel2019; Guzmán and Polaco Reference Guzmán and Polaco2002; Morehart Reference Morehart2016; Sluyter Reference Sluyter1994; Stoner et al. Reference Stoner, Stark, VanDerwarker and Urquhart2021; VanDerwarker Reference VanDerwarker2006; Weigand Reference Weigand, Isaacs and Scarborough1993) giving ecological aquaculture and integrated subsistence significant research potential. Instead of just agriculture, human actions following the extraction of sediment and earth in the waterscape mutually impacted human, plant, and animal communities. Canals and reservoirs held water for humans, fish, and plants. Berms and rock alignments trapped fish and turtles for human use. The identification of fish as important in some ancestral Maya diets is a crucial step for understanding Maya domesticated waterscapes.
Integrated subsistence: fish in the Maya diet
Comparative evidence for the importance of freshwater fish, in addition to other aquatic species such as turtles, waterfowl, and mollusks, has been presented from archaeology, historic documents, and ethnographies across the Maya region (Harrison-Buck et al. Reference Harrison-Buck, Clarke-Vivier, Phillips and Runggaldier2020; Ruz Reference Ruz and Ruíz1998; Sharpe et al. Reference Sharpe, Inomata, Triadan, Burham, MacLellan, Munson and Pinzón2020; Thompson Reference Thompson and Hammond1974). For instance, through excavations and ethnography, Dillon (Reference Dillon1981) indicates that Classic-period Maya at Camelá near the Chixoy River in lowland Guatemala could not have raised many crops in the swampy terrain around a large lagoon. Instead, he argues Maya inhabitants practiced fish farming in the abundant shallow waters of oxbow lakes and swamps like fishermen do today (Rivas and Odum Reference Rivas and Odum2019). Contemporary fishers at Camelá capture various species of catfish (including Ictalurus and Lacantunia sp.) mojarras (cichlids; Cichlasoma or Vieja sp.), tarpon (unknown sp.), and gar (Atractosteus tropicus) with nets and hooks. They also take turtles, turtle eggs, and crocodiles. The fish are salted and dried for transportation to market. One fisher camp took eight tons of fish from the area in three months (Dillon Reference Dillon1981:79). Dillon implies that ancient Maya could have created water control features, such as dams and sluice gates, to manage fish populations for large-scale harvesting. In a recent study at the adjacent center of Salinas de los Nueve Cerros, archaeologists suggest that Classic Maya fish processing and salting took place due to the abundant obsidian blades for descaling fish (Woodfill and Wolf Reference Woodfill, Wolf, Houk, Arroyo and Powis2020). Interestingly, a Classic Maya ceramic figurine depicting a god of maize, plants, water, and fish (integrated subsistence) emerging from a cleft sustenance and water mountain possibly came from this site, which is near sacred Maya hills (Figure 5).
Other ancestral Maya sites near floodplains, lagoons, and rivers present evidence for aquatic resource consumption (Sharpe et al. Reference Sharpe, Inomata, Triadan, Burham, MacLellan, Munson and Pinzón2020) and human-modified waterscapes for fish (Harrison-Buck et al. Reference Harrison-Buck, Clarke-Vivier, Phillips and Runggaldier2020), like at Edzna and Pulltrouser Swamp mentioned above. Investigators examining nitrogen isotopic levels from bone collagen from Classic Maya human burials, for instance, have additionally shown that cities near large rivers often utilized freshwater fish (Scherer et al. Reference Scherer, Wright and Yoder2007:97). High levels of nitrogen isotopes in human bone also occur at sites in the interior, however, indicating that Maya transported fish to these sites from rivers, lagoons, and domesticated waterscapes. At the Classic-period site of Piedras Negras, for instance, Maya consumed more fish during a time of political instability and population reduction (Scherer et al. Reference Scherer, Wright and Yoder2007:98–99). Many fish bones, especially catfish from the nearby Usumacinta River, were recovered in excavations (Emery Reference Emery2007; Scherer et al. Reference Scherer, Wright and Yoder2007:97). A similar pattern of reliance on local fish during social changes and less food resource availability occurred at Pueblo Grande, Arizona, where people extracted fish from local irrigation (and fish farming) canals (James Reference James and Abbott2003).
Furthermore, Alexander et al. (Reference Alexander, Hunter, Arata, Cervantes, Scudder, Gotz and Emery2013) have demonstrated the importance of aquatic resources in the Postclassic Maya community at Cilvituk (Silvituc), Campeche, Mexico. Cilvituk is an island between a large lagoon and seasonal marshes. Canals have not been reported in the marsh, but human modifications of the island and the reliance on freshwater aquatic resources point to Maya domesticated waterscapes, including fish management practices. The authors point out that Maya populations at Cilvituk had access to highly diversified terrestrial and aquatic, in addition to domesticated and collected, plant and animal species in a resilient resource exploitation strategy. Faunal bone from household excavations across the island indicates that the acquisition of fish, turtles, mollusks, and water fowl matched that of terrestrial animals, including deer, dogs, and turkeys (Alexander et al. Reference Alexander, Hunter, Arata, Cervantes, Scudder, Gotz and Emery2013:312). Ray-finned fish abound in the archaeological deposits, as do gar (Alexander et al. Reference Alexander, Hunter, Arata, Cervantes, Scudder, Gotz and Emery2013:296–298). Since cichlids are common today in the Cilvituk watershed, especially in shallower waters (Flores Ramos Reference Flores Ramos2014), it is likely many bones belong to these species. Maya household clusters likely organized the procurement of aquatic resources (Alexander et al. Reference Alexander, Hunter, Arata, Cervantes, Scudder, Gotz and Emery2013:313) since no evidence exists that elites managed the ecological aquaculture system and its resources.
Likewise, archaeologists excavating at Preclassic Kaminaljuyu in the Guatemalan highlands discovered extensive hydraulic engineering. While the canals and shallow lakes were important for agriculture and controlling the movement of and access to water for Maya populations, these hydraulic features allowed fish populations to thrive and be “farmed.” The water also provided turtles, mollusks, and water fowl (Emery et al. Reference Emery, Thornton, Cannarozzi, Houston, Escobedo, Gotz and Emery2013:388). The Maya populations here connected the lake with extensive canals leading to reservoirs that were partially forested, or supported fields and gardens (Arroyo and Henderson Reference Arroyo, Henderson, Houk, Arroyo and Powis2020). These features would have facilitated water circulation and purification. The movement of earth for water management was extensive. The domesticated waterscapes at Preclassic Kaminaljuyu are an example of ecological aquaculture and its integration of human, plant, and fish populations that minimized negative environmental impacts for the system's resilience. The archaeological fauna at the site demonstrate the importance of fish in the human diet (Valdés and Wright Reference Valdés, Wright, Bell, Canuto and Sharer2004). Fish bones from gar, cichlids, and other bony fishes were common (Emery et al. Reference Emery, Thornton, Cannarozzi, Houston, Escobedo, Gotz and Emery2013:394, 399–400). Importantly, Preclassic stone monuments depict fish, likely cichlids, that thrive in such aquaculture canals and reservoirs (Figure 3; Gamboa-Pérez and Schmitter-Soto Reference Gamboa-Pérez and Schmitter-Soto1999). Water imagery appeared with rulers’ portraits on monuments showing their connection to the spiritual and perhaps practical maintenance of the waterscapes (Arrroyo and Henderson Reference Arroyo, Henderson, Houk, Arroyo and Powis2020:149). At Izapa, a contemporary site on the Pacific coast of Chiapas, a stela (Figure 6) depicts a person or a water god wading in a shallow canal or reservoir like at Kaminaljuyu to extract fish with a basket (Norman Reference Norman1973:87). Classic Maya carved bones from Tikal, Guatemala (Figure 6), also depict Maya gods alongside canoes grabbing fish (tzak chay, like the Maya “fish-in-hand” hieroglyph; Ruz Reference Ruz2020:167), apparently cichlids and catfish, in shallow waters and putting them in baskets, just like people did (Trik Reference Trik1963:13). Capturing fish by hand and with baskets is a subsistence strategy seen across the Maya region (Figure 7) and around the world.
Archaeologists in lowland Guatemala have pointed to the importance of aquatic foods, mainly fish, turtles, crocodiles, and water fowl, in Maya societies over time around the central Petén lakes (Rice et al. Reference Rice, Rice and Pugh2017). At Trinidad de Nosotros, archaeologists found that 23 percent of the faunal remains consisted of fish bones, particularly in commoner contexts (Thornton Reference Thornton2012:339, 344, 353). Cichlids were dominant in the bone collections, while gar, catfish, and eels were present in significant numbers. Additionally, many net weights fashioned from ceramic sherds have been recovered in Maya households across the habitational sequence. Maya used the ceramic sinkers to weigh down nets or lines with hooks. Coves and ponds dot the waterscape, which may have been transformed by Maya to obtain aquatic resources. Ancestral Maya modified the waterscape to facilitate canoe traffic, hence fishing, between some lakes (Rice and Rice Reference Rice and Rice2016). Importantly, fields for wetland agriculture and fish farming have been discovered in shallow portions of several lakes, which may have been extensive in the past (Rice et al. Reference Rice, Rice and Pugh2017:45). These waterscape features and aquatic subsistence regimes can also be seen in other parts of the Maya area, particularly in the western lowlands.
Canals, reservoirs, and fishing in the western Maya lowlands
Research in the Maya western lowland region in Tabasco, Campeche, and Chiapas, Mexico, provides insights on the use of ancestral Maya wetland agricultural fields, canals, and reservoirs to obtain crucial terrestrial and aquatic resources beginning in Preclassic times (Dunning et al. Reference Dunning, Ruhl, Carr, Beach, Brown and Luzzadder-Beach2020; Siemens and Puleston Reference Siemens and Puleston1972). New ethnographic and archaeological investigations, like at Mensabak, Chiapas, have produced data on aquatic species in the Maya diet over time. The first studies of Maya canals and raised fields took place in this region, including the Candelaria River watershed and experimental raised fields (camellones) in swamps (Pérez Sánchez Reference Pérez Sánchez2007). Recent projects here increased attention to Maya aquaculture and highlight the importance of Maya aquatic food resources (Gómez-Pompa et al. Reference Gómez-Pompa, Morales, Avilla, Avilla and Flannery1982; Martínez-García et al. Reference Martínez-García, Cifuentes-Alonso, Estrada Botello, Lopez Torres, Contreras-Garcia, Macdonal-Vera, González-Arévalo, Contreras-Sánchez and Fitzsimmons2022; Palma-Cancino et al. Reference Palma-Cancino, Martínez-García, Alvarer-González, Contreras, Gasca-Leyva, Peña and Camarillo-Coop2019). For instance, fisher-farmers at Tucta, Tabasco, have told me that the large-scale canals among their camellones provide much aquatic and terrestrial foods. Importantly, they do not have to feed the fish, turtles, and manatees in this resource-rich environment, and they only have to clean the canals of unwanted plants. Furthermore, travelers in Tabasco and Chiapas in the sixteenth century described the combined agricultural and aquatic resources in the Indigenous quotidian diet in the area:
“Then they gave each of us two tortillas and a small piece of fish and another piece of sweet potatoes. [The first day] they gave us plenty of fish, which cost them nothing. During several months they have an abundance of fish, and turtles so large. Of this and other fish they gave us every day and also plenty of tortillas. The chief also gave us tortillas and oranges and bananas, of which they have many, and about two pounds of fish” (paraphrased from Blom Reference Blom1973:533–553).
These travelers also mentioned the frequent trips Maya took by canoe through rivers, lakes, and what appear to be canals in the region, when they gathered aquatic foods.
In my recent ethnographic observations on ecological aquaculture at Mensabak (or Metzabok), Chiapas (Figure 8), modern Maya benefit from aquatic resources in a waterscape modified extensively by their ancestors. Several lakes and many reservoirs at this site are interconnected with a lattice of streams and several canals (Figure 9). The small Naja River and several streams drain into the waterscape. The area consists of a wide, active productive floodplain with little long-term stagnant water, which is recharged with annual rainy season floods that add between five and fifteen meters of water. The large-scale, open, domesticated waterscape allows for much oxygen, sunlight, and freshwater to support the ecosystem (Costa-Pierce Reference Costa-Pierce and Costa-Pierce2014a; Hickling Reference Hickling1968). Ancestral Maya modified the Mensabak waterscape by digging out reservoirs, ponds, and canals in the floodplain. The waterscape features have feeder and exit canals to maintain water and nutrient quality for abundant aquatic plants and animals. Many canals, including four longer ones, and at least 23 reservoirs around the lakes can be seen in aerial imagery, especially in the southern areas. Ancestral Maya utilized the sediment from the canals, ponds, and reservoirs to construct earthen mounds at the Preclassic city of Noh K'uh located just south of the lakes (Juarez et al. Reference Juarez, Salgado and Hernandez2019). The terraforming for construction and subsistence was a community effort not organized only by elites, but by commoner corporate groups as well (Juarez Reference Juarez2022). In some parts of Noh K'uh the floodplain sediment fill is more than three meters under mounds and plaza floors (Figure 10). Furthermore, water from urban Noh K'uh drained into the Naja River to the west providing much nutrients and fertilizers to enhance the aquatic life in the ponds, reservoirs, and lakes (Yang Reference Yang, Li and Mathias1994a). Potable water was available in cenotes, springs, and streams to the east and south.
Maya later built house platforms around the lakeshores during Postclassic times, but they used less lake sediment in their low platforms. Therefore, they may have cleaned but not created waterscape features. Postclassic Maya living around the lakes and canals also tossed considerable amounts of household trash, such as animal carcasses, mollusk shells, and broken cookware, into the water providing nutrition for plankton, fish, turtles, insects, and water plants (Gamboa-Pérez and Schmitter-Soto Reference Gamboa-Pérez and Schmitter-Soto1999). Waste waters draining from these Maya settlements also fertilized the aquaculture system as seen in other areas (Gamboa-Pérez and Schmitter-Soto Reference Gamboa-Pérez and Schmitter-Soto1999; Lozano and López Reference Lozano and López2001; Yang Reference Yang, Li and Mathias1994a). During the rainy season, the Mensabak floodplain fills with water and fish, fowls, mollusks, crustaceans, and turtles expand to the canals, ponds, and reservoirs. Here the animals can be more easily captured. In the dry season the water level drops, leaving aquatic animals in the shallow features to be gathered with baskets, harpoons, nets, or by hand, like Lacandon Maya do. Additionally, project members have recovered bones of turtles and water fowl in excavations at Mensabak, and some fish (Kestle Reference Kestle2021; Sánchez López Reference Sánchez López2021a, Reference Sánchez López2021b), but we need to conduct fine wet-screening of excavated soil to recover more fish bones (Prestes-Carneiro et al. Reference Prestes-Carneiro, Béatrez, Shock, Prumers and Betancourt2019; Varela Scherrer Reference Varela Scherrer2021). Interestingly, cichlids and catfish, which thrive in ponds and canals of ecological aquaculture, dominate the Mensabak collections (Kestle Reference Kestle2021:98, 214).
Project members have mapped several Mensabak canals and ponds while investigating two canals with earthen berms and stone and wooden post features (Figure 11). The Late Postclassic site of Los Olores (Kestle Reference Kestle2021:63) near the concentration of canals and reservoirs on the south end of Lake Tzibana has several small constructions near a main canal (Figure 12). In this area, archaeologists explored and mapped several fish ponds of different sizes with interconnecting canals. Some canals are lined with stones and some reservoirs appear to have impermeable clay and stone linings like at other Maya sites (Dunning et al. Reference Dunning, Brewer, Carr, Hernández, Beach, Chmilar, Sierra, Griffin, Lentz, Luzzadder-Beach, Reese-Taylor, Saturno, Scarborough, Smyth, Valdez, Larmon, Lucero and Valdez2022:23–24; Freidel and Scarborough Reference Freidel, Scarborough and Flannery1982:140–142). The canals contain various linear stone features (Dunning et al. Reference Dunning, Brewer, Carr, Hernández, Beach, Chmilar, Sierra, Griffin, Lentz, Luzzadder-Beach, Reese-Taylor, Saturno, Scarborough, Smyth, Valdez, Larmon, Lucero and Valdez2022:27; Fedick Reference Fedick, Gómez-Pompa, Allen, Fedick and Jiménez-Osornio2003), including dams, sluices, and weirs seen in the Maya area (Figure 13). One excavation inside the main canal at Los Olores uncovered a series of small post holes with woven cane and packed clay that could have been a wooden fish weir or trap (Connaway Reference Connaway1982; Kestle Reference Kestle, Juarez, Deeb, Palka and Hernandez2013; Ringer Reference Ringer2008). An excavation of the canal near a platform recovered artifact deposits (Figure 14) with Late Postclassic pottery fragments, trash, and dark brown ceramic figurines in the upper layers. The dark stained figurines depict women, or more likely feminine water deities associated with water in Mesoamerican societies (Durán Reference Durán1951:219–221; Sandstrom Reference Sandstrom, Mathiowetz and Turner2021:35–37), which could have been used in ceremonies at the canal for the benefit of water, fish, and the fertility of the waterscapes, aquatic species, and humans. Contemporary Lacandon Maya at Mensabak, for example, believe fish populations and access to them are controlled by the guardian “mother of fish” named Xok (or sirena), a divine mermaid-like being, like in other Mesoamerican societies. Lacandon still make ceramic figurines representing these women with fish tails (Figure 3) who live in rivers, lakes, and reservoirs (Kováč Reference Kováč, Zralka and Helmke2013). Possible fishing gear, such as small ceramic net or fish line weights (not spindle whorls, and similar in size to fish net weights at K'axob, Belize; Bartlett Reference Bartlett and McAnany2004:266–268) and small obsidian fish arrow or points for reed harpoons (historic Lacandon used small thin chert fish arrow points; Rodríguez Galicia Reference Rodríguez Galicia2017:33–34; Ruz Reference Ruz2020:161), were also recovered in the upper levels of the Los Olores canals (Figure 15). Further down in the sediments excavators recovered Late Preclassic ceramic sherds (Figure 14) likely dating to the original canal construction and use. Few fish bones were found since the excavated earth was not fine-screened. Limited excavations on the low ground (bajo) between ponds and canals at Los Olores recovered ceramic sherds and animal bone, which may indicate trash mulching for cultivation here during the dry season and for fertilizing the aquatic system.
Interestingly, the Mensabak waterscape effectively combined subsistence practices and religious ideology for Maya people. The religious connections to an origin place strengthened Mensabak as a site for Maya to create fields and fish ponds. Mensabak exemplified the Mesoamerican symbolic sustenance and water mountain (altepetl in Nahuatl) as seen in the cleft mountain in the Tepantitlan mural described above (Figure 2). At Mensabak (Figure 16), Mirador Mountain, called Chak Aktuun (Red Cave [Turtle] Mountain [with water]; Ruz Reference Ruz2020:141) by contemporary Lacandon, rises abruptly from the lake waters to dominate the local landscape (Palka Reference Palka2014). This pyramidal mountain is cleft and red-stained on its east side, riddled with large caves, and has an underwater sinkhole at the mountain's base that initiates the Tulijá River, a major waterway leading to Tabasco and the Gulf of Mexico, just to the west. Mesoamerican lore regarding gods splitting sustenance mountain to release maize, water, fish, and food (Taube Reference Taube1986) is materialized here. Indeed, Mirador Mountain (or El Mirador) is similar physically and religiously to Postectli (“Broken”) Mountain of Nahua people in Veracruz, who believe a water god broke its peak with thunderbolts (Sandstrom Reference Sandstrom, Mathiowetz and Turner2021:35–38). In this tall, pyramidal Postectli mountain with caves, the resident deity “our honored mother” (tonantzin) maintains a garden. “Water dweller” (apanchaneh), a mermaid-like feminine god with a fish tail, also resides in the mountain where she releases rain, fish (her children), and water plants to worshipers. Mensabak also parallels Aztec myth-histories regarding Aztlan: “In this place [in distant forests] there is a great mountain, in the middle of the waters…[and] in this mountain there are caves. [Here are] many ducks, herons, and water hens…[and] the people have enjoyed beautiful and large fishes and the freshness of the greenery on the lake's edges. They travel in canoes and make “canalized raised fields” (camellones, not “agricultural fields” as often translated) on top of the water to plant the vegetables that they ate, [together with] the great abundance of many species of fish” (paraphrased by the author; Durán Reference Durán1951:219–228).
The Aztlan origin mountain and watery place that formed a river was governed by a dark female deity called Coatlicue, recalling the Mensabak figurines. In ancient Maya art, the sustenance mountain can appear as a turtle shell (aktuun), which connects maize, water, and aquatic resources (Taube Reference Taube and Robertson1985). Additionally, at Mensabak a monumental, Late Postclassic Quetzalcoatl feathered serpent, who removed maize from sustenance mountain for people to consume in Mesoamerican mythology, was carved into a lakeside cliff to the east of Mirador Mountain (Lozada Toleda Reference Lozada Toleda2017; Palka Reference Palka2014:217; Taube Reference Taube1986). Hence, ancestral Maya dug canals and fish ponds, in addition to planting fields and gardens, across the waterscape to recreate an archetypical Aztlan sustenance water mountain and a Tlalocan-like paradise. To this day, Lacandon Maya believe that their rain god Mensabak, who resides in the land of the dead at a cliff with a Tlaloc design and many human burials at its base (Palka Reference Palka2014:290), split Mirador Mountain with a shooting star or lightning releasing its water, which recalls Mesoamerican beliefs. They also continue to use the ancestral fish ponds and cultivate crops around the modified waterscapes near this sacred mountain.
For Lacandon Maya in Chiapas and Petén, Guatemala, fish have been an important protein source (Marion Reference Marion1991). Early ethnographers recorded several Lacandon fish capturing techniques (Tozzer Reference Tozzer1907) that originated in ancient times. Their fishing strategies varied over the seasons and the fisher's skill sets. Generally, ethnographers described fish traps in different Lacandon settlements. The traps were constructed in conical shape from flexible vines and twigs that included a door. Embedded stakes fixed the traps in the water. Lacandon baited the trap with maize dough and closed the door with a cord when fish and crustaceans went inside. Many Lacandon also employed fish poison. They blocked parts of a stream, canal, or reservoir, where they added pieces of toxic (for fish only) vines. The vines caused the fish to suffocate and float to the surface. Moreover, skilled Lacandon took large numbers of fish in high or low waters with lances and arrows with chert, metal, or wood points while standing in canoes or on shore. Recently, hooks and nylon fish line have replaced many native Lacandon fishing techniques. People use hooks in canoes or from the shoreline to capture significant amounts of fish, but mostly during low water when fish take the bait more. It is possible past Maya used cords with thorn or bone hooks to fish as well. Today, Lacandon also utilize rubber band powered harpoons when underwater visibility is good.
At Mensabak, Lacandon Maya utilize streams, lakes, and ancient canals and ponds to acquire large amounts of fish. They have taken waterfowl, crustaceans, mollusks, and turtles as well. Lacandon people are still able to exploit the ancestral domesticated waterscapes at the site due to the durability of the ecological aquaculture system. Mensabak Lacandon mostly fish during the dry season when the waters are clearer and fish bite more. They currently use hooks, harpoons, cloth, buckets, their hands, and nets to obtain fish. They also occasionally use the bow and arrow, explosives, and even guns. The use of hook and line is the most common means of fishing as this gear is inexpensive and can be used by anyone. Considerable quantities of fish of different species and sizes, even tiny fish, are taken with this equipment. Importantly, Lacandon people obtain larger amounts of fish, including cichlids (including Cichlasoma urophthalmus, also Vieja and Archosentrus sp.; Petenia splendida), catfish (including Ictalurus furcates; Lacantunia enigmatica), and eels (Synbranchus sp.?) with long nets strung across streams, canals, ponds, and reservoirs for extensive fish capture in these restricted spaces (Figure 17). Importantly, the domesticated waterscapes support large numbers of native and introduced cichlids (especially tilapia, Oreochromis niloticus), which are omnivorous fish that thrive within and frequently reproduce in managed aquaculture environments. Cichlids (mojarras) likely were important aquaculture fish in ancient Mensabak, as they are today throughout Latin America (Gamboa-Pérez and Schmitter-Soto Reference Gamboa-Pérez and Schmitter-Soto1999; Lozano and López Reference Lozano and López2001). Several hundred pounds of cichlids are obtained with nets in a few hours. The fish swim into the nets or people scare them with poles towards the nets, which is a common fishing technique around the world. Additionally, Mensabak Lacandon acquire birds, turtles, crustaceans, crocodile eggs, mollusks, palms, wooden poles, reeds, and firewood (particularly hard dye wood) from the extensive Mensabak waterscapes and shorelines. They also place fields and gardens on the edges of canals and reservoirs, much like ancestral Maya wetland agriculture. The plant communities of the Mensabak domesticated waterscapes also provide shade for cooler water temperatures, water filtration, and food for aquatic animals in this ecological aquaculture system.
The importance of fish and other aquatic animals, such as turtles, waterfowl, crustaceans, and mollusks, has also been identified in zooarchaeological and ethnographic research at the lowland Maya center of Palenque, Chiapas (Varela Scherrer and Liendo Stuardo Reference Varela Scherrer and Stuardo2022). In a revealing study, Varela Scherrer (Reference Varela Scherrer2021) demonstrates that fish bones remain encased in dirt clumps if they are not water-screened with fine mesh. In his faunal analysis at a Classic Maya elite residential group at Palenque, Varela Scherrer (Reference Varela Scherrer2021:175–177) discovered that around 80 percent of the animals consumed were aquatic. Besides turtles, waterfowl, and manatees, however, the largest number of specimens were fish at 70 percent of the bone assemblage—much more than deer and birds. Interestingly, the majority of the fish bones belonged to cichlids. As discussed above, various species of cichlids are native to the streams and lagoons of Chiapas, and they thrive in waterscapes modified by humans, making them perfect for ecological aquaculture (Gamboa-Pérez and Schmitter-Soto Reference Gamboa-Pérez and Schmitter-Soto1999; Prestes-Carneiro et al. Reference Prestes-Carneiro, Béatrez, Shock, Prumers and Betancourt2019). Catfish, white bass, and gars were also present in the Palenque faunal assemblages. Although these fish species can also live in aquaculture, cichlids dominate since they are omnivores, grow and reproduce quickly, thrive in different water conditions, and can be captured with a variety of methods in canals and reservoirs.
Significantly, evidence exists at Palenque for ancestral Maya modifications of the waterscapes for resource management and intensive subsistence. Liendo Stuardo (Reference Liendo Stuardo2002) identified wetland agricultural fields and canals in swampy areas near the site. He suggests that Maya elites organized labor to build the canals and harvest crops in the wetlands due to the presence of temples for elite ritual near these features. While providing drained land, water, and raised fields for crops, the waterscapes supported large amounts of fish, turtles, fowls, and other aquatic animals. It is likely that fish remains from the elite household middens mentioned above originated in these canals and reservoirs. Other investigators (French et al. Reference French, Duffy and Bhatt2012) studied the stone block tanks at Palenque to analyze how they stored water. These tanks allow for the circulation of water, making them also ideal for small fish ponds for intensive fish farming (Varela Scherrer Reference Varela Scherrer2021; Varela Scherrer and Liendo Stuardo Reference Varela Scherrer and Stuardo2022). Elite Maya made these tanks near their buildings; hence, they would have consumed the fish, turtles, and mollusks within them. In sum, the extensive waterscapes near Palenque provided predictable food and resources beyond agriculture and forest products for ancestral Maya living there.
In similar waterscapes northwest of Palenque and Mensabak, experimental raised fields and canals in Chontal Maya communities in Tabasco, Mexico, provide key comparative contexts for past Maya ecological aquaculture, domesticated waterscapes, and integrated subsistence. The Chontal camellones, or small artificial camel-back islands in wetlands, produce economically important food plants for Maya, in addition to large numbers of reeds and palms. The Chontal communities also raise large amounts of fish and turtles in cages and in blocked areas in the canals that they often release to augment natural populations (Pérez Sánchez Reference Pérez Sánchez2007). Chontal Maya concentrate on mojarra cichlids, white bass, crustaceans, and gars for fish farming, and they capture them with nets, cloths, and vine baskets in the shallow canal waters between the camellón fields and lagoons (Figure 4; Gómez-Pompa et al. Reference Gómez-Pompa, Morales, Avilla, Avilla and Flannery1982). Multiple families, and not elites or governments, organize the labor to maintain the raised fields and canals, in addition to the harvesting of plants and animals. Hence, besides being wetland fields, Chontal Maya domesticated waterscapes have served for ecological aquaculture and integrated subsistence, especially for the intensive harvesting of fish.
Comparisons: domesticated waterscapes, ecological aquaculture, and integrated subsistence
Following the background on Maya wetland agriculture and aquatic resources presented above, this section outlines new research perspectives and models regarding ancestral Maya integrated subsistence from studies of domesticated waterscapes and ecological aquaculture. Ecological aquaculture functions within local ecosystems for the development of human, plant, and animal communities in a wider context of the natural environment, and not within small aquaculture enclosed tanks (Bravo-Utrera Reference Bravo-Utrera, Hurford, Schneider and Cowx2009; Costa-Pierce Reference Costa-Pierce and Costa-Pierce2014a:343; Li Reference Li, Li and Mathias1994; Ling Reference Ling1977; Yang Reference Yang, Li and Mathias1994a, Reference Yang, Li and Mathias1994b). Ecological aquaculture is oriented to the creation and monitoring of intensive aquatic farming systems that enhance, not degrade, their natural environments. These large-scale systems produce valuable resources within a local ecology that are organized for people's subsistence and the resilience of the existing ecosystem; the natural ecosystem features, interactions, and functions are preserved. Ecological aquaculture works in multi-trophic levels with numerous interconnections between several inputs and outputs involving local resources, endemic species, and recycled wastes and materials (Costa-Pierce Reference Costa-Pierce and Costa-Pierce2014a:344). People design and construct the monumental hydraulic systems to maintain natural water and nutrient quality over time for the benefit of plankton, plant, fish, and other aquatic species (Lozano and López Reference Lozano and López2001). This subsistence system does not discharge artificial chemical pollution harmful to humans and the environment like other intensive farming and small enclosed aquaculture systems. Ecological aquaculture also focuses on the diversity of native plant and animal species that parallels the local ecology (Serrano et al. Reference Serrano, Reina, Martin, Reyes, Arechederra, León and Toja2006; Yang Reference Yang, Li and Mathias1994a). Plants, animals, and fish are provided with their natural foods and exist in a local food chain (Hutchinson Reference Hutchinson2005:3–4). The various species are not impacted by unnatural stress, confinement, nor chemicals like in small-scale artificial aquaculture. Once an ecological aquaculture system has been created, it can be easily maintained as it functions as a long-lasting natural ecosystem, like lakes connected to streams (Hutchinson Reference Hutchinson2005:4). Human communities benefit greatly from the products and organization of ecological aquaculture, as do the animal and plant species in the domesticated waterscapes. Labor and resource organization are organized within communities, often in lineages or groups with occupational specializations, and not at the family level as with small household aquaculture tanks. Ecological aquaculture exemplifies one of the world's most efficient protein producers: inland fish farming.
Specialists examining the extensive inland fisheries in different societies have drawn attention to the utility of large-scale, multi-trophic ecological aquaculture and the presence of integrated subsistence (Bond Reference Bond and Aston1988; Chopin Reference Chopin, Christou, Savin, Costa-Pierce, Misztal and Whitelaw2013; Costa-Pierce Reference Costa-Pierce and Costa-Pierce2014b; Ling Reference Ling1977; Welcomme Reference Welcomme1979; Yang Reference Yang, Li and Mathias1994a, Reference Yang, Li and Mathias1994b). Ecological aquaculture across the world involves monumental waterscape modifications by humans for subsistence purposes. Lagoons, large reservoirs, and canals for fish are combined with extensive drained lands to grow plants. Ecological aquaculture systems benefit from moving water from streams or changing flood levels, which recharge the system with freshwater, nutrients, and animal populations (Lozano and López Reference Lozano and López2001). Feeder and exit canals circulate the water and nutrients so that aquatic plants and algae can thrive to feed insects, fish, turtles, water fowl, and other animals. The water provides nutrients for plants to grow within the waterscape and on its edges. The plants give shade, food, clean water, and oxygen to the aquatic animal and plant communities. The shade and large amounts of water reduce evaporation and excessive heating of the waters. Wind circulates across the expansive system providing oxygen to the water (Hickling Reference Hickling1968). Sunlight on the open waterscape enables the growth of water lilies, grasses, and algae that feed the plankton and insects at the base of the aquatic food chain. People living near chinampa canals and raised fields in central Mexico, for instance, understood these complex connections (Pérez Espinosa Reference Pérez Espinosa and Rabiela1985) as seen with fish consuming human excrement and plant matter in canals near a raised field in the Borgia Codex (Figure 18). Ecological aquaculture systems utilize such wastes for fertilizer for plants and plankton to maintain the biomass in the engineered aquatic features (Gamboa-Pérez and Schmitter-Soto Reference Gamboa-Pérez and Schmitter-Soto1999; Yang Reference Yang, Li and Mathias1994a).
This type of domesticated waterscape is resilient with humans constructing and cleaning canals and setting up blockage points with weirs, nets, and dams to capture fish and animals, as seen in modern Maya communities (Figure 19). The fish and plants do not need to be fed, nor the water filtered as with small aquaculture tanks. Fish eat the plants and invertebrates, and humans eat the fish and plants. Some fish and plants are consumed by non-human species, or die, but the large-scale domesticated waterscapes still provide ample resources for people. The system is also large enough to allow canals and ponds to be set aside for fish and plant reserves that, if not harvested, can spread into the system during flooding, stocking, migration, or when people open canals. For comparison, the domesticated waterscapes at Mensabak and other Maya sites resemble the modern fish ponds, canals, orchards, and fields on a monumental scale near villages at Doñana, Spain, where terrestrial and aquatic foods are abundant (Serrano et al. Reference Serrano, Reina, Martin, Reyes, Arechederra, León and Toja2006). These domesticated waterscapes have provided much aquatic and terrestrial resources for humans across time due to the systems durability and high productivity. In this manner, ecological aquaculture can be linked to domesticated landscapes and waterscapes were people modify their environment for the sustainability of plant and animal populations for human subsistence, as discussed in the introduction (Terrel et al. Reference Terrell, Hart, Barut, Cellinese, Antonio Curet, Denham, Kusimba, Latinis, Oka, Palka, Pohl, Williams, Haines and Staller2003). People enable plant and animal communities to thrive in local ecological settings to put more food on the table and acquire adequate materials for their everyday lives (Baker Reference Baker, Thurston and Fisher2007; Nietschmann Reference Nietschmann1973; Terrell and Hart Reference Terrell, Hart, David and Thomas2008). People domesticate their physical and biotic environments to expand and integrate their subsistence regimes as much as they assist in the domestication of species. Clearly, fishing and aquatic resource management can be added to the “subsistence spreadsheet” in a subsistence ecology (Nietschmann Reference Nietschmann1973; Terrell et al. Reference Terrell, Hart, Barut, Cellinese, Antonio Curet, Denham, Kusimba, Latinis, Oka, Palka, Pohl, Williams, Haines and Staller2003) from domesticated waterscapes and ecological aquaculture in the Maya region.
In a comparative example of domesticated waterscapes, researchers reported a large-scale canal and fish weir system for ecological aquaculture and integrated subsistence at Bangweulu, Zambia (Hickling Reference Hickling1961; McKey et al. Reference McKey, Durecu, Pouilly, Bearez, Ovando, Kalebe and Huchzermeyer2016). Here people enabled the growth of aquatic resources by making extensive canals and permanent earthen fish weirs across 7,000 km2 of floodplain (McKey et al. Reference McKey, Durecu, Pouilly, Bearez, Ovando, Kalebe and Huchzermeyer2016:14939, supporting information Figures S3, S6). Some earthen fish weirs are five km long and constructed from sediments from nearby canals, all providing much fish. The seasonal floodwaters from the river and canals are only up to 1.5 meters deep, like Maya canals, thus making for prime conditions to capture fish, including cichlids and catfish (Hickling Reference Hickling1961:231). Importantly, fish are taken in nets and weirs year-round in both high and low waters (Hickling Reference Hickling1961:229–230). One annual yield on 22,500 hectares of floodplain was 800,000 kg of fish, or 35.5 kg per hectare (McKey et al. Reference McKey, Durecu, Pouilly, Bearez, Ovando, Kalebe and Huchzermeyer2016:14941). For total dried fish, 500 to 900 tons per year have been the norm (Hickling Reference Hickling1961:236). Palms with edible fruits, large snails, water birds, reeds, and antelopes and other potential economically important species are also found in this ecological aquaculture system (McKey Reference McKey, Durecu, Pouilly, Bearez, Ovando, Kalebe and Huchzermeyer2016:1–2 of the supporting information file).
Similar ecological aquaculture and integrated subsistence regimes are also seen on the Ouémé River floodplain in Benin (Jackson et al. Reference Jackson, Adite, Roach and Winemiller2013). In this region, people have managed waterscapes and adjacent lands for fishing and cultivation, mainly through the excavation of extensive whedo finger-shaped fish ponds and interconnecting canals in the watershed. Part-time fishermen and small holders of different communities manage the system (Brugere Reference Brugere, Halwart and van Dam2006:49; Welcomme Reference Welcomme1979:180). When floodwaters expand, ponds fill with water and fish for human use, like in the Maya area. People remove sediment from the ponds and then block them to retain the fish. Traps are used, often concealed in vegetation islands, in addition to nets, baskets, and weirs to capture fish (Welcomme Reference Welcomme1979, Reference Welcomme, Crisman, Chapman, Chapman and Kaufman2003). Fish yields are impressive with ranges between 2,000 and 1,500 kilograms of fish per hectare (Welcomme Reference Welcomme1975:28). People along the Ouémé River also pursue agriculture by cultivating maize, tomatoes, and peppers between the ponds (Welcomme Reference Welcomme1979:242). Additionally, rice is grown in the water works (Welcomme Reference Welcomme1975:43) showing the importance of wetland agriculture combined with ecological aquaculture. Furthermore, people raise cattle for food and aquatic fertilizer on levees built to manage local flooding.
The ancestral Hawaiian multi-trophic ecological aquaculture and integrated subsistence system also resembles the Maya case with fields, fish ponds, and water circulation from canals (Figure 20). An early visitor described the impressive Hawaiian domesticated waterscapes:
“The whole distance to the village of Whyeete is taken up with innumerable fishponds extending a mile inland…the fish seem to thrive and fatten…The ponds are several hundred in number and are the resort of ducks and water fowl” (Bloxam quoted in Costa-Pierce Reference Costa-Pierce1987:322).
The Hawaiian waterscapes also supported large fields of taro, fruit, and other valuable plants. Fish and animal waste fed the plants and plankton; plant detritus, plankton, and insects fed the fish. Large fish ponds were also dug out near rivers in upland integrated farming zones and along the coastline to produce aquatic resources (Costa-Pierce Reference Costa-Pierce1987). These ponds were often excavated by hand in natural depressions or lakes like ancestral Maya did. The earth was piled to form embankments around the water features (Costa-Pierce Reference Costa-Pierce and Costa-Pierce2014b:35). Sluice gates, dams, and ditches among the canals and reservoirs allowed for the control of water input and drainage to recharge the system. In the ponds, people maintained large freshwater fish populations, such as mullet, perch, and gobies, in addition to prawns and algae for consumption (Costa-Pierce Reference Costa-Pierce1987:325). The fish were caught in nets, traps, baskets, and by hand. Fish yields from the ponds range from 500,000 to 2,000 kilograms per year, depending on the size of the ponds and human intervention for their upkeep and exploitation (Costa-Pierce Reference Costa-Pierce1987:324–325).
Conclusions: Ancestral Maya domesticated waterscapes and integrated subsistence
Maya populations over time domesticated their terrestrial landscapes to obtain reliable food supplies, construction materials, and goods for trade. Researchers have stressed the importance of integrated land resources in ancestral Maya subsistence, such as the maintenance of gardens and plant diversity in fields and forests to maximize their ecological potential and resiliency (Fedick Reference Fedick and Fedick1996; Ford and Nigh Reference Ford and Nigh2015; Gómez-Pompa Reference Gómez-Pompa, Gómez-Pompa, Allen, Fedick and Jiménez-Osornio2003). They have shown that ancestral Maya populations intensified their cultivation techniques and modified their landscapes, as with terracing, for increased agricultural yields. Additionally, archaeologists and anthropologists have studied Maya hunting practices, often in agricultural plots, which brought additional protein to the Maya diet. Past research has also shown that ancestral Maya wetland cultivation features and canals enabled people to modify their landscape to acquire agricultural plant staples and products to maintain Maya civilization. The canals supported intensive plant cultivation and ancestral Maya settlement by draining water from inundated landscapes. Furthermore, reservoirs fed by this drainage sustained Maya populations during the dry season and in times of drought.
As pointed out in this article, however, Maya also relied on aquatic resources from intensively domesticated waterscapes in the right ecological conditions, such as communities near rivers, lakes, and swamps. These Maya populations obtained food and useful materials from both aquatic and terrestrial ecosystems like a resource “spread sheet” in a fully domesticated landscape and not just agriculture (Harrison-Buck et al. Reference Harrison-Buck, Clarke-Vivier, Phillips and Runggaldier2020; Sharpe et al. Reference Sharpe, Inomata, Triadan, Burham, MacLellan, Munson and Pinzón2020; Williams Reference Williams2022b). The combined archaeological, cultural, and iconographic information points to the importance of domesticated waterscapes in Maya societies. Archaeologists working at select sites have found evidence of aquatic foods, like the bones of various fish, waterfowl, mollusks, and turtles. These animals added nutrients to the ancestral Maya diet, in addition to providing famine foods and readily available meals. The ethnographic information in this article fortifies the thesis that aquatic resources were mixed with terrestrial products for an integrated Maya subsistence base in many areas. Classic Maya art too demonstrates the connections between people and their aquatic ecosystems. Stone monuments and portable objects depict ancient Maya elites with waterlily and fish headdresses. These plants and fish live together in shallow, clean, and slow-moving waters in the region, including canals and reservoirs, and they collectively thrive in domesticated waterscapes (Wiseman Reference Wiseman1983). Maya elites also were often depicted sitting on altars or thrones with aquatic symbols, enhancing their connections to the fertility and productivity of water. Additionally, gods and elites in the Maya area have even been shown grabbing fish in shallow waters, echoing the importance of aquatic resources for communities.
A main contribution of this article is the finding that many western Maya lowland communities, in addition to other areas, practiced ecological aquaculture with extensive modified waterscapes and integrated subsistence in local ecosystems. They intensified aquatic resource acquisition by domesticating the waterscape (Terrell et al. Reference Terrell, Hart, Barut, Cellinese, Antonio Curet, Denham, Kusimba, Latinis, Oka, Palka, Pohl, Williams, Haines and Staller2003) in what I have demonstrated as large-scale ecological aquaculture from the comparative literature on the subject. Maya communities utilizing water management and intensive wetland agriculture practiced monumental ecological aquaculture to gain substantial aquatic resources over time. Fish were grown and stored in the canals and ponds, then collected like vegetables in fields. The canals and reservoirs of the ecological aquaculture modifications thus acted as intensive fish farms for Maya people harvesting fish when needed. Inland sites away from riverine and lacustrine environments, however, did not often have opportunities for ecological aquaculture with their small, enclosed, or isolated reservoirs. But ones with moving water did. Flowing water from rivers and rainy season flooding recharged the natural ecosystem by introducing water, nutrients, microorganisms, and fish to the canals and reservoirs. Water, nutrient-rich sediment, and organic matter were added to the wetland fields that supported plants. The plants on the shoreline provided shade, food, and filtered water to organisms in the canals, ponds, and reservoirs. Fish, turtles, waterfowl, in addition to other waterscape plants, such as reeds, palms, and dye wood, could then proliferate in such an ecosystem and be harvested by Maya people. Hence, the domesticated waterscapes enhanced the local environment rather than being a contained artificial one with small enclosed aquaculture tanks requiring constant human intervention. Maya could periodically keep the canals clean and the fields mounded with fertilizing sediment with the requisite minimal labor. Also, large numbers of wetland fields, canals, and reservoirs are still visible and usable after centuries of Maya abandonment since the monumental constructions are durable and water movement helps keep canals open by shifting water and sediment. Small tanks or enclosed ponds can fill with sediment and eventually not hold sufficient water for fish.
The practice of domesticating waterscapes to acquire resources can be examined with further research at ancient and contemporary Maya communities. Evidence for ecological aquaculture and integrated subsistence has been found at many Maya sites in ongoing investigations. Archaeologists, for instance, have recently identified extensive canals, reservoirs, wetland modifications, and raised fields, among other modified waterscapes throughout the Maya region following light detection and ranging and satellite mapping techniques (Beach et al. Reference Beach, Luzzadder-Beach, Krause, Guderjan, Valdez, Fernández-Díaz, Eshleman and Doyle2019; Canuto et al. Reference Canuto, Estrada-Belli, Garrison, Houston, Acuña, Kováč, Marken, Nondédéo, Auld-Thomas, Castanet, Chatelain, Chiriboga, Drápela, Lieskovoký, Tokovinine, Velasquez, Fernández-Díaz and Shrestha2018; Dunning et al. Reference Dunning, Ruhl, Carr, Beach, Brown and Luzzadder-Beach2020; Garrison et al. Reference Garrison, Houston and Firpi2019; Hansen et al. Reference Hansen, Morales-Aguilar, Thompson, Ensley, Hernández, Schreiner, Suyuc-Ley and Martínez2022). Some investigators believe the water features could have supported aquaculture, but they have not studied nor described this subsistence system (Dunning et al. Reference Dunning, Griffin, Sever, Saturno and Jones2017). Many types of aquaculture have existed and their management practices are equally diverse (Li Reference Li, Li and Mathias1994; Welcomme Reference Welcomme2001). Many Maya specialists also emphasize the centralized control of hydraulic constructions due to the standard focus on Maya elites in archaeology, but labor and resource allocation for extensive land modifications for subsistence purposes could also have been a community or lineage endeavor, as pointed out above (Blanton and Fargher Reference Blanton and Fargher2016; Carballo Reference Carballo2013; Erickson 200b; Juarez Reference Juarez2022). Ancestral Maya at many of these sites domesticated their waterscapes for ecological aquaculture for collective integrated subsistence besides just creating raised fields for intensive agriculture to underwrite elite economies. Today, community members at Lagos de Colon, Chiapas, for instance, have many large fish ponds to raise cichlids for regional consumption. This intensification of fish protein may have historic antecedents in the rich floodplains: archaeologists have reported extensive canals, dams, reservoirs, and mounded fields and living spaces in the waterscape of the ancient site of Lagartero nearby (Matheny and Gurr Reference Matheny and Gurr1979). I also have viewed earthen berms around several cleaned-out Maya reservoirs, mounded sediments near ancient canal excavations, and numerous stone fish weirs in the Lagartero domesticated waterscape, like at other Maya sites. Similar conditions are found at Edzna, Campeche, where contemporary Maya communities grow plants near ancestral modified ponds and numerous canals across the site where they obtain water, fish, and aquatic resources like their ancestors did (Faust Reference Faust1999:89).
Significantly, scholars researching South American floodplain civilizations have viewed the importance of human-modified landscapes and large-scale domesticated waterscapes to exploit varied terrestrial and aquatic resources to maximize integrated subsistence (Erickson Reference Erickson2000a, Reference Erickson and Lentz2000b; Heckenberger Reference Heckenberger2005; Mackey and Pillsbury Reference Mackey, Pillsbury and Young-Sánchez2013; Roosevelt Reference Roosevelt and Lentz2000). With comparative research, Maya researchers can further reconstruct subsistence practices, which social segments consumed certain resources, and who managed the labor necessary to maintain the domesticated waterscape ecosystems and harvest the terrestrial and aquatic animal and plant species in ecological aquaculture. Investigators can also continue to investigate modern ecosystems, ancestral domesticated waterscapes, and diachronic Maya integrated subsistence strategies to further comprehend ecological aquaculture. Additionally, archaeologists can excavate the waterscape features and adjacent past Maya settlements to better understand the local ecosystems, their use, and how the waterscapes and Maya societies changed together over time in a more complete picture of their subsistence ecology. In this manner, scholars can reconstruct ancestral Maya political ecology and labor organization, examine long-term environmental change, and analyze the exploitation of specific plant and animal populations by Maya societies for their mutual survival. Hence, continued research on Maya domesticated landscapes and waterscapes will provide significant insights towards Maya ecological aquaculture and integrated subsistence, in addition to how and why they played an important role in the development and resiliency of Maya civilization.
Acknowledgments
I would like to thank the Indigenous people of the Mensabak community for their insights and help over many years of working and living together. Conversations with Matteo Cassanelli, Rocío Rodiles Hernández, and Rafael Martínez-García helped me sort out insights and data related to ecological aquaculture and fish farming. Administrators and staff members in the School of Human Evolution and Social Change at Arizona State University have been extremely helpful with field work logistics and resources. I also thank Ramón Folch González for pointing out significant articles, cultural information, comparative sites, and images for this study. Jackson Krause, Santiago Juárez, Chris Hernandez, Fabiola Sánchez, and Josuhé Lozada shared Mensabak LiDAR maps and insights on Mensabak landscapes with me, which were invaluable for this study. Finally, I appreciate the reviewers’ comments, which helped me clarify the text, and the helpful assistance of the journal's editors and staff.
Funding Statement
Research funding was provided by the University of Illinois-Chicago, Arizona State University, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia de México (to Josuhé Lozada), National Science Foundation (0525847), National Geographic Society, and the National Endowment for the Humanities (RZ5098609) and research permits were collegially provided by the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia de México.