KUB XIV 17, which belongs to the Detailed Annals for Mursili's 7th year, records a rebellion against Hittite rule in this year by the people of the Nuhassi lands. In view of the loss of the entire first column of the tablet and the very fragmentary nature of the first few lines of the second column, the events leading up to the rebellion are far from clear.

In considering what these events may have been, I would like to begin with the restorations and translation which Goetze proposes for lines 1–6 of the second column:

It has long been known that HLuvian sign 383, an oblique stroke (\), when added to another sign, indicates the presence of a postvocalic r: see the references cited by Laroche, HH 205. The “thorn”, as it is often called, may indicate /r/ alone, or a sequence /ra/ or /ri/. The now standard transliteration ra/i is thus a cover symbol for all three possibilities. The actual reading in any particular case may be determined only on comparative grounds, internal or external. As examples of /r/, /ra/, and /ri/1 may cite respectively dat.-loc. pl. (“FINES”)I + ra/i-ha-za = /irhanza/ “boundaries” (cf. Hitt. irḫa- “idem”), pret. 3rd sg. i + ra/i = /ira/ “went”, and pres. 3rd sg. i + ra/i = /iri/ “goes”.

Hawkins, Morpurgo-Davies and Neumann, HHL 171 f, have argued that in internal and final position the combination 209 + 383 (), in addition to i + ra/i, may also indicate ri+i = /ri/. That is, in combination with a vowel sign V, the “thorn” may indicate the sequence /rV/ instead of/Vra/i/. Note that the HLuvian syllabary has no CV sign for /ri/, while sign 412 (and less often sign 103) spells /ru/. Evidence for the reading ri+i comes from alternations such as abl./inst. DEUS-na-ri+i beside deus-na-ti-(i) “by/from the god(s)” or tu-pi-ri+i beside tu-pi-ti-i “strikes”.

Recent studies of some of the leading families of Asia Minor in the early imperial period have shown the value of a prosopographical analysis for elucidating the history of the region and, in particular, of bringing into sharp focus the complex and far-reaching connections among those families which formed the aristocratic elites in the Graeco-Roman cities. In her 1966 study, Shelagh Jameson dealt at length with the Lycian family of Licinnii from Oenoanda. Among its members was a certain Marcia Lycia who, as the daughter of Marcius Titianus, married into the family from Cibyra. Jameson did not turn her attention to these Cibyran relatives of the Licinnii and the following is offered, therefore, as a supplementary study of the history and significance of that network of families. The discussion has two aspects: the delineation of one of the connections of these Cibyrans with another family elsewhere in Asia Minor, and a discussion of the evidence provided about the nature of the title asiarch in the first century.

The survey of these two sites was resumed on 1 July 1987. The Cremna season, directed by Stephen Mitchell, ran until 25 July; from 27 July to 20 August the team worked at Sagalassus under Marc Waelkens. The other participants were Mustafa Büyükkolancı, Sarah Cormack, Christopher Lightfoot and Edwin Owens (archaeologists), William Hargrove and Claire Robinson (student assistants), Anthea Cudworth, Robin Fursdon, Duncan Mallace, and Mark Willy (surveyors), Greg Horsley (epigraphist), and Kirsty Norman (conservator). Our representative was Sabri Aydal of Antalya Museum, who also provided valuable and expert assistance to the surveyors. We are grateful, as in previous seasons, to many local people for help and support: to Selçuk Başer, Ali Harmankaya and the staff of the Burdur Museum; to the officers of the Emniyet Müdürlüǧü at Burdur and of the Jandarma at Bucak and Aǧlasun; to the villagers at Çamlık, and to Sabit Kaya, Kaymakam of Aǧlasun, who provided us with accommodation. The work was funded by the British Academy, the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara, the Craven Committee of Oxford University, the Roman Society, and the National Fund for Scientific Research (Belgium). Above all we are grateful to the Director General of Antiquities and Museums in Turkey, Nurettin Yardımcı, and to his staff, especially to Nimet Berkok and Mustafa Karahan, for granting permission for the survey and for much other assistance.

Le 22 juin 1987, au cours d'un voyage en Turquie, j'ai visité le site de la colonie romaine d'Antioche de Pisidie, Colonia Caesarea. Guidé par le directeur du Musée de Yalvač, Bay Mehmet Taşlialan, j'ai eu la surprise d'être conduit par lui auprès d'une base qui avait été sortie de terre la veille à l'occasion de travaux pour l'établissement d'une canalisation à travers le site. Bay Taşlialan m'a autorisé à prendre une copie de l'inscription qui est complète, à la photographier et à la publier (ici, Pl. VIII). Malheureusement je n'avais aucun instrument pour en prendre les mesures.

Il s'agit de la base d'un monument, probablement une statue perdue, qui était couchée sur le sol et portait la dédicace honorifique suivante:

c'est-à-dire, en résolvant les abréviations: C(aio) Valerio, Galli F(ilio), Ser(gia tribu), Nigro, Q(uaestori), Aed(ili), Duov(iro), Irenarch(o), Valeria Paula Patri optumo, H(onoris) C(ausa), D(ecreto) D(ecurionum), qui peut se traduire: Valeria Paula, par décret du Conseil de la Cité, (a dédié ce monument) en l'honneur de son excellent père, C. Valerius, fils de Gallus, de la tribu Sergia, Questeur, Édile, Duovir, Irénarque.

After the completion of the new Museum in Gaziantep, the then Director, Bay Hasan Candemir, asked the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara to undertake the task of refurbishing and rearranging the material (in the Gaziantep Museum) from the 1949 excavations. It was not until 1986 that the B.I.A.A. was able to organize a team suitable for the work of restoration and refurbishment. Since 1986 two further seasons have been completed in the Museum of Gaziantep: Spring 1987 and Spring 1988. The report here is based on the activities of Spring 1986 and Spring 1987.

The original work at Sakçagözü was, of course, carried out by Professor John Garstang who in 1908 and again in 1911 excavated on the site still called locally Coba Höyük (“mound A”). His aim was to reveal the Iron Age relief sculptures which had been discovered there. During the course of excavation he encountered pottery and other remains which were clearly earlier than the period represented by the sculptures.

Professor Garstang also excavated at Songrus Höyük (“mound B”) and took the opportunity to make trial excavations at Keferdiz Höyük (“mound C”).

Although a relatively unimportant crop in the Near East, millet has an especially interesting history that may throw some light on the cultural relationships of the Middle–Late Bronze Ages and the Iron Age. Thus the prompt, separate, publication of a large deposit of foxtail millet (Setaria italica (L.) P. Beauv.), recently identified from an Iron Age level at Tille Höyük, seems justified. This is the first find of the cereal in such large quantities—definitely as a crop—from the Near East or Greece. The rest of the plant remains from this level will be published in conjunction with the rich samples that are expected to be found in the massive Late Bronze Age burnt level at Tille. The opportunity is also taken in this paper to present other previously unpublished millet samples, from second millennium B.C. levels at Haftavan Tepe, northwestern Iran, and from Hellenistic, Roman and Medieval levels at Aşvan Kale, eastern Turkey.

A full discussion of these criteria will be included in the first author's forthcoming publication of the Aşvan plant remains. Knörzer (1971) has published a useful key to millet seeds. Three genera of millets (all belonging to the tribe Paniceae of the grass family) have grains of the relatively wide, large embryoed type discussed here.

The recent discovery of a hitherto unknown king of Karkamiš of the Hittite Empire period is an event of some significance. This is the son of Talmi-Tešub (hitherto the last known king of the dynasty installed by Suppiluliumas I), Kuzi-Tešub by name, who is now attested on two impressions of his seal on bullae excavated at Lidar Höyük on the east bank of the Euphrates above Samsat.

The seal has a fine Storm-God figure standing on two mountain-men in the centre, and the rest of this area, apart from filling motifs of a rosette and an animal, is occupied by an inscription in Hieroglyphic. Around the outer circle, only partially preserved in both exemplars, is a Cuneiform legend. The Hieroglyphs divide into four groups: (1) the name of the Storm-God written above his outstretched left hand; (2) in front of the Storm-God a group reading “Kuzi-Tešub, King of the land of Karkamiš”; (3) behind him a group “Talmi-Tešub, King of the land of Karkamiš”. This was all clearly read by Sürenhagen, who for the fourth group, below the Talmi-Tešub group, proposed a reading “Kunitimuwas the King's Son”.

The islands of the Dodecanese enjoy a favourable geographical position. They lie at one of the busiest and most important cross-roads of the eastern Mediterranean, and are readily accessible from all directions, including Asia Minor. In considering contacts with the latter, one has to take into account geographical factors such as distance, the nature of the terrain, and prevailing winds and surface currents. Geologically the Dodecanese form an extension of S.W. Asia Minor, known as Caria in historical times. This region is more or less cut off by mountains from the interior of the mainland, and land routes are either non-existent or very poor. The only direct route is provided by the port of call of Miletus which lies at the mouth of the Maeander (Grant 1969, 93). It is thus only natural for Caria to look towards the Aegean and the Dodecanese rather than elsewhere. Similarly, one should expect the Dodecanese to be in constant intercourse with the opposite coast. Indeed, the archaeological evidence seems to agree. The two areas appear to have shared a more or less common culture in prehistory (Dodecanese III, 178; Mee 1975).

In the course of the survey of the surface remains of the North Lycian city of Balboura, our attention was drawn to three small buildings near the southwest corner of the agora (Fig. 1), because their association with a series of inscriptions casts an interesting light on the society of the city. Most of these inscriptions have long been known, although three are unpublished, but their significance cannot be fully appreciated without some knowledge of the buildings and statue bases with which they are associated. Our aim, therefore, is to consider the architectural and epigraphic evidence together.

The buildings concerned (Figs. 2–4) are, from west to east, an exedra set up by Onesimos the city slave (demosios), with statues of the Demos and Boule of Balboura; a temple of Nemesis, also built by Onesimos; and a second exedra, set up by the wealthy Meleager, son of Castor. All three buildings face southward onto a paved street, and turn their backs to the agora, which was set at a lower level to the north.

In the Byzantine period, urban life in Anatolia underwent a decay in which ancient cities shrank behind reduced circuits of walls or withdrew to the fortified hilltops whence they had descended in the Hellenistic age. Even the greatest city of the empire, Constantinople, saw a drastic diminution of population and resources, abandonment of its ancient public works and services, and consequent transformation from a classical to a medieval city. These changes began with the devastating invasions of Persians and Arabs in the seventh century. Sources reveal little about Anatolia between the early seventh and mid-ninth century, a true dark age, but the evidence of archaeology often makes it possible to visualize conditions at the time.

The Byzantines, whose empire long survived these troubles, generally occupied existing sites in Asia Minor where their ruins are superimposed on those of the Romans or earlier cultures. In only a few instances, usually occasioned by the needs of defence or of a militarized administration, were new sites founded. Although the Dark Ages were not a propitious time for urban development, some new towns did come into existence or prominence. Few of them have been studied. Strobilos on the Carian coast, therefore, is of some potential interest as an example of a Byzantine town which first appears in the historical record in the eighth century, and whose remains have been preserved.

Amorium is in eastern Phrygia, 170 km. south-west of Ankara, 70 km. north-east of Afyon, 12 km. east of the town of Emirdaǧ, and near the source of the Sakarya (Sangarius) (Fig. 1). It lies on the north-facing lower slopes of the mountains of Emirdaǧ (the Turkish town, previously called Aziziye, has the same name), and the ancient site of Amorium lies within the relatively recent village of Hisarköy. The mountain of Emirdaǧ gives rise to various streams which flow into a tributary of the Sakarya, and at Amorium the view to the north extends over some 50 km., showing, in the middle distance, the tree-lined course of the river, and the mountains of Sivrihisar beyond. The ancient town (which includes a large prehistoric hüyük) was mentioned by Strabo, and indeed the name of Amorium appeared earlier on coins, in the second or first century B.C. The site was rediscovered by W. J. Hamilton in 1836.

In AS XXXVII (1987) 23–35 J. M. Wagstaff writes interestingly of “Colonel Leake and the Classical Topography of Asia Minor”.

Leake succeeded in identifying a large number of ancient sites in Asia Minor. Dr. Wagstaff is well aware of this and naturally enough does not make it his business to list them all. However, in view of current B.I.A.A. work at Oenoanda and Balbura in the Cibyratis, it seems worth pointing out, as a footnote to his article, that Leake was the first to identify both cities, although he never visited either of them. He identified them on the basis of epigraphical evidence collected in October 1841 by Richard Hoskyn, Master of H.M.S. Beacon, and the naturalist Edward Forbes, and his “Remarks on Mr. Hoskyn's Paper”, Journal of the Royal Geographical Society XII (1842) 162–9, may be added to Dr. Wagstaff's list of publications of the man whom Louis Robert justly described as “l'incarnation de la géographie du monde hellénique pendant la première partie du XIXe siècle”.

Photographs of the lower part of a sculptured inscribed Neo-Hittite stele were brought to me at London University in May 1988 by its owner, Mr. Nassib Sabbagh, of Beirut. Visible on the obverse were the remains of a panel of sculpture showing a couchant lion facing right with a pair of human feet, frontally rendered, standing in the middle of its back. Below this were two lines of writing, running sinistroverse-dextroverse, and below that the remains of the tenon which would have fixed the stele in a morticed base. The lower right corner of the obverse was destroyed. Photographs of the sides showed on the right, three lines of inscription, of which only the lower part of the upper was preserved, the middle, sinistroverse, line was complete, and the upper part of the lower line only was preserved, while its lower part, and any further writing, was lost with the stele's lower right hand corner; and on the left, three complete lines of writing, running sinistroverse, dextroverse, sinistroverse, and below them space for a further line, which could have lost its writing through surface flaking, but was more probably uninscribed.