8.1 Introduction
Many legal and political commentators dubbed Donald Trump’s false claim that he was the actual victor of the 2020 American presidential election, ‘the Big Lie’.Footnote 1 No matter how he complained and dissembled, he lost. After losing the 2020 election, Trump went on a fundraising binge, asking his supporters to give to his legal defense fund so that he could litigate the results of the 2020 election, which he fraudulently claimed he had won.Footnote 2 According to the House of Representatives’ January 6 Select Committee, this fund did not exist.Footnote 3 As Select Committee member Congresswoman Zoe Lofgren put it, ‘the Big Lie was also a big rip-off’.Footnote 4 Because the 2020 presidential election was not stolen,Footnote 5 and the legal defense fund he touted was nonexistent, Trump’s post-2020 election fundraising was a fraud within a fraudFootnote 6 – giving rise to a reasonable argument that it violated the federal wire fraud statute and also constituted common law fraud.Footnote 7
Wire fraud involves ‘any scheme to defraud another person that uses electronic communications, either across state lines or internationally’.Footnote 8 Since most solicitations for funds in the digital age are done with email or texts to mobile phones using telecommunications infrastructure, the federal wire fraud statute is triggered when such solicitations contain fraud. As Tyler Yeargain once described wire fraud, ‘[p]ut simply, lies were communicated over the Internet in an attempt to yield a financial return for the liars.’Footnote 9 Common law fraud includes that the ‘main purpose of fraud is to gain something of value by misleading or deceiving someone into thinking something which the fraud perpetrator knows to be false. Criminal fraud requires criminal intent on the part of the perpetrator, and is punishable by fines or imprisonment’.Footnote 10
Legal accountability for the attempts to overturn the 2020 election is finally coming home to roost with an indictment for federal crimes from Special Counsel Jack Smith against ex-President Trump and an indictment for Georgia crimes against Trump and eighteen co-conspirators from Fulton County District Attorney.Footnote 11 Both indictments cover expansive ground, ranging from the crimes of pressuring state officials to illegally overturn the 2020 election, to fabricating fake electors, to interfering with Congress’s electoral count. But one charge seemed to be conspicuously absent from both indictments: any charge of fraud for fundraising from the Big Lie (that Trump was the true victor of the 2020 election) and for the Big Rip Off (raising money for an election defense fund which did not exist).
The question of whether to prosecute Trump, his campaign, or his fundraising team for pushing this aspect of the Big Lie is up to Special Counsel Smith, who was assigned by US Attorney General Merrick Garland to look into Trump’s handling of classified and military documents at Mar-a-Lago as well Trump’s actions related to January 6.Footnote 12 The Special Counsel may not pursue these charges because there are easier cases to make, including violations related to conspiracy to have fake electors submit paperwork purporting to be real electors.Footnote 13 But this chapter argues that there were real violations of federal wire fraud statutes surrounding the fundraising after the 3 November 2020 election by Trump and his fundraisers, who were trafficking in disinformation about the outcome of the 2020 election as well as the uses of the money. (Another possible source of accountability is state prosecutors in Fulton County, Georgia, who could prosecute this as common law fraud.) In this chapter, I will outline why Trump’s deceptive fundraising after the 2020 election (including some fundraising that is ongoing while this chapter was written in 2024), is legally fraught.Footnote 14
The chapter argues that when Trump (and his allies) used the Big Lie after the 2020 election to raise money from unsuspecting supporters who trusted him, he (and his allies) likely stepped across the line from protected free speech into criminal fraud, which enjoys no First Amendment protection.Footnote 15 It will proceed as follows: Section 8.2 will explain why this Big Lie that Trump was the true victor of the 2020 election was disinformation. Section 8.3 will demonstrate how federal courts, including the Supreme Court conceptualize fraud as being outside the protection of the First Amendment. Section 8.4 will show that the Department of Justice (DOJ) often uses wire fraud as a charge in cases involving campaign funds. Section 8.5 will argue that Trump, the head of his political action committees (PACs), and even the Republican Party – all of whom used the Big Lie to fundraise – have exposed themselves to possible prosecution for wire fraud. Finally Section 8.6 will follow the money trail, showing where money from the Big Lie was used.
8.2 The Big Lie Was Disinformation
After Trump lost the 2020 election, he, some of his lawyers and certain members of his campaign staff all pushed the disinformation known as the ‘Big Lie’ that Trump was the true victor of the 2020 election.Footnote 16 He was not.Footnote 17 This Big Lie was deployed unsuccessfully in over sixty lawsuits that challenged the legitimacy of the 2020 election in court.Footnote 18 The lawyers who brought these frivolous suits have been subject to sanctions,Footnote 19 calls for disbarment,Footnote 20 as well as withering disapproval from fellow lawyers.Footnote 21 As I explained in a law review article, happily the American judiciary was not deceived by the Big Lie.Footnote 22 But tragically, thousands of Republican donors, including many small donors, did fall for the Big Lie.Footnote 23
While most campaign fundraising activities are enrobed in a thick blanket of First Amendment protections,Footnote 24 the fundraising by Trump and his allies that relied on the Big Lie arguably falls outside of the free speech protections, landing squarely in the category of both common law fraud and federal wire fraud.Footnote 25 While no one has yet been prosecuted for this activity, there are hints in press reporting that Special Counsel Smith may be investigating this aspect of the run-up to January 6.Footnote 26 And press reports indicate that he is looking not just at Trump, but at the Save America PAC, the Make America Great Again PAC, as well as other campaign finance entities such as a Trump lawyer and Georgia co-defendant named Sidney Powell’s group Defend Our Republic.Footnote 27 In Trump’s federal indictment regarding January 6, there are no charges related to fundraising,Footnote 28 but there could yet be a superseding indictment that adds such charges, just as happened in the Mar-a-Lago documents case where additional criminal charges were added later.Footnote 29
Here I use Andrew Guess’ and Benjamin Lyons’ definitions of misinformation and disinformation. Misinformation is false information that ‘contradicts or distorts common understandings of verifiable facts’.Footnote 30 Meanwhile, ‘disinformation is the subset of misinformation that is deliberately propagated. This is a question of intent: Disinformation is meant to deceive, while misinformation may be inadvertent or unintentional.’Footnote 31 The Big Lie as propagated by Trump, his lawyers and his political committees was not just misinformation, rather the Big Lie was a particularly potent and virulent form of disinformation. As scholars and advocates have found, such disinformation can be particularly corrosive in a democracy.Footnote 32
The Special Counsel’s 1 August 2023 indictment against Trump focused on his actions leading up to and on January 6, and mentioned six unindicted co-conspirators, five of whom were lawyers. As the indictment recited:
The Defendant [Trump] lost the 2020 presidential election … Despite having lost, the Defendant was determined to remain in power. So for more than two months following election day on November 3, 2020, the Defendant spread lies that there had been outcome-determinative fraud in the election and that he had actually won. These claims were false, and the Defendant knew that they were false.Footnote 33
The Big Lie was condemned in real time, in November 2020, in ‘[a]n open letter signed by retired federal and state judges, former state attorneys general who served under Republican and Democratic governors, and law professors condemned Trump’s claims of fraud as being presented “without evidence and false”, singling out Republican officials who have publicly supported the president’s efforts to have thousands of ballots thrown out.’Footnote 34 And in 2023 the former assistant director of the FBI Frank Figliuzzi asserted about Trump’s fundraising that ‘[w]hen you raise millions based on a fraudulent claim, you’ve committed a crime. And, you just might have to give those millions back.’Footnote 35 Meanwhile former federal prosecutor Andrew Weissmann indicated that he anticipates ‘a criminal case about the Trump PAC and forfeiture allegations/seizures’.Footnote 36 In other words, if the Special Counsel alleges that the money in Trump PAC(s) are the fruit of a crime, then he could move for pre-trial seizure of those funds.Footnote 37
8.3 The Courts’ Views of Fraud
Trump’s criminal lawyers are already relying heavily on the First Amendment as defense for his actions that are charged in the Special Counsel’s 1 August 2023 indictment about January 6.Footnote 38 But although the Supreme Court has been very lenient on liars, even in the context of elections,Footnote 39 it still maintains that fraud is outside of the ambit of First Amendment protections.Footnote 40 The argument I am advancing here is that just as common law fraud (and wire fraud) is not protected by the First Amendment, raising money for Trump’s Save America PAC (and other political committees) with the Big Lie is not covered by the First Amendment either.
The Supreme Court has long been hostile to individuals who have defrauded others. Dating back to 1820 the Court stated, ‘the first principles of the common law [is that] fraud [is] the object of its peculiar abhorrence, and [fraud] contaminat[es] every act’.Footnote 41 The Court has defined common law fraud as including ‘a scheme to deprive a victim of his entitlement to money’.Footnote 42 In 1976, the Supreme Court concluded in Virginia Board of Pharmacy v. Virginia Citizens Consumer Council, Inc. about commercial advertisements that ‘[u]ntruthful speech, commercial or otherwise, has never been protected for its own sake.’Footnote 43 And in another case the Supreme Court added to this definition, ‘common-law fraud has long encompassed certain misrepresentations by omission, “false or fraudulent claims” include more than just claims containing express falsehoods. The parties and the Government agree that misrepresentations by omission can give rise to liability.’Footnote 44 Thus, according to the Supreme Court, fraud can be both express lies as well as failures to tell key truths. In Trump’s case the express lie was the Big Lie that he won the 2020 election, and the failure to tell the truth was omitting where the money raised by his PACs would really be used.
In a case decided in 2023, United States v. Hansen,Footnote 45 the Supreme Court considered a First Amendment defense raised by an individual who induced immigrants to break US immigration and naturalization laws through fraudulent promises of an easy path to US citizenship. As the Supreme Court explained ‘federal law prohibits “encourag[ing] or induc[ing]” illegal immigration. 8 U.S.C. § 1324(a)(1)(A)(iv) … Properly interpreted, this provision forbids only the intentional solicitation or facilitation of certain unlawful acts. It does not “prohibi[t] a substantial amount of protected speech”.’Footnote 46 Defendant Helaman Hansen sold immigrants the false hope of becoming US citizens through ‘adult adoption’. This path to citizenship is nonexistent. This grifter charged desperate immigrants who wanted to stay in the USA thousands of dollars, making $2 million in the illegal scheme.Footnote 47
When the federal government prosecuted Hansen for this fraud, he defended himself by claiming that the immigration law that was being used against him was constitutionally overbroad and violated his free speech rights.Footnote 48 The Ninth Circuit had agreed with him.Footnote 49 The Supreme Court disagreed in a seven-to-two decision, quoting Illinois ex rel. Madigan v. Telemarketing Associates, Inc., a case about charitable fraud, for the proposition that ‘the First Amendment does not shield fraud’.Footnote 50 In Hansen, the Court explained what counted as criminal solicitation:
Criminal solicitation is the intentional encouragement of an unlawful act. Facilitation – also called aiding and abetting – is the provision of assistance to a wrongdoer with the intent to further an offense’s commission. While the crime of solicitation is complete as soon as the encouragement occurs, liability for aiding and abetting requires that a wrongful act be carried out. Neither solicitation nor facilitation requires lending physical aid; for both, words may be enough.Footnote 51
Hansen’s lawyers argued that criminalizing speech that only induced an immigrant to break a civil law violated the First Amendment (as many violations of immigration law are handled as civil not criminal matters).Footnote 52 But the Supreme Court rejected this distinction, and upheld the challenged law as being constitutional under the First Amendment.Footnote 53 While Hansen is of course focused on immigration law, nonetheless its principles would apply in prosecutions of fraud in other contexts like raising money for an election defense fund which, like ‘adult adoption citizenship’, did not exist.
In 2010 in United States v. Stevens the Supreme Court infamously said that ‘crush videos’ are protected by the First Amendment; nonetheless, in that same case the Court noted that ‘[f]rom 1791 to the present … the First Amendment has permitted restrictions upon the content of speech in a few limited areas … [The punishment of these] historic and traditional categories long familiar to the bar[,] including … fraud … and speech integral to criminal conduct … have never been thought to raise any Constitutional problem.’Footnote 54 The Supreme Court came to a similar conclusion in United States v. Alvarez (better known as the stolen valor case) in 2012, that ‘[w]here false claims are made to effect a fraud or secure moneys or other valuable considerations, say offers of employment, it is well established that the Government may restrict speech without affronting the First Amendment.’Footnote 55
In United States v. Smith, Malcom Smith, a New York Democratic State Senator, and Vincent Tabone, the Queens County Republican Party Vice Chairman, entered into a complicated scheme to allow Democrat Smith to run for the Mayor of New York City as a Republican. They were both convicted of bribery and honest services wire fraud, and Tabone raised First Amendment defenses during his prosecution. The Southern District of New York Judge Kenneth Karas rejected this argument:
[If] Tabone is attempting to raise an as-applied or facial First Amendment challenge to the statute, he fundamentally misconstrues the statute’s thrust. The statute does not criminalize mere association with a political party, or advocacy for certain political candidates. In fact, in this case, the statute is being applied to alleged bribes offered and received in return for certain conduct. Just because this alleged quid pro quo arrangement involved political-party officials, they are not entitled to immunity for their actions under the guise of protected speech.Footnote 56
These appeals failed and both men went to prison.Footnote 57
A 2023 federal district court case reached a similar result in a case involving a scheme to defraud voters. In United States v. Mackey, a man was charged with tricking voters who supported Hillary Clinton to vote online (a voting method which does not exist in the USA).Footnote 58 This is sometimes referred to as the ‘vote by Tweet’ case.Footnote 59 Defendant Douglass Mackey, as known as ‘Ricky Vaughn’, argued that he had the free speech right to say what he said on social media to Clinton supporters. The federal district court in his case rejected this argument, stating: ‘[t]his case is about conspiracy and injury, not speech … [T]he language [Defendant Mackey] used is akin to verbal acts, which fall outside the scope of the First Amendment, rather than protected’ speech.Footnote 60 Mackey was sentenced to seven months incarceration for his crime.Footnote 61 As the Southern Poverty Law Center, which tracks right-wing hate groups, said of the Mackey verdict that it ‘set more clearly visible boundaries around what is legal when sowing disinformation online, prosecutors may have also created inroads to bring about charges similar to those filed against other radical-right activists who engaged in coordinated efforts to shape the outcome of elections’.Footnote 62 Defendant Mackey has appealed his conviction using the argument that his actions in the 2016 election are protected by the First Amendment.Footnote 63 These cases, Hansen, Stevens and Alvarez, at the Supreme Court level and Mackey and Smith at the district court level, all indicate that defrauding individuals is not going to enjoy First Amendment protections.
8.4 Department of Justice Frequently Uses Wire Fraud Charges in Campaign Finance Cases
The Department of Justice has frequently used wire fraud to charge crimes that involve campaign funds. In 2023 alone, the DOJ alleged wire fraud violations in a case ‘charging the [Republican] Sheriff of Culpepper County, Virginia, and three … men with a conspiracy to exchange bribes for law enforcement badges and credentials. According to court documents, from at least April 2019 … Sheriff Scott Howard Jenkins, … accepted cash bribes in the form of campaign contributions totaling … $72,500.’Footnote 64 Additionally, on 9 May 2023, sitting Republican Congressman George Santos was indicted by the DOJ. He was charged with seven counts of wire fraud, three counts of money laundering, one count of theft of public funds, and two counts of making materially false statements to the House of Representatives.Footnote 65 Santos was expelled from the House of Representatives after the House Ethic Committee ‘unanimously concluded that there was substantial evidence that Representative George Santos: knowingly caused his campaign committee to file false or incomplete reports with the Federal Election Commission; used campaign funds for personal purposes; [and] engaged in fraudulent conduct’.Footnote 66
In 2022, a Democratic ex-Congressman was hit with wire fraud charges. As a press release from DOJ stated, a ‘28-count indictment was unsealed … charging a former member of Congress with multiple fraud schemes and campaign contribution fraud. Terrance John “TJ” Cox … is charged with 15 counts of wire fraud, … and one count of campaign contribution fraud.’Footnote 67 The DOJ leveled similar charges against a former Republican Governor of Puerto Rico, Wanda Vázquez Garced.Footnote 68
There have been guilty pleas in cases where defendants have been charged with wire fraud in campaign finance cases. A former Republican congressional candidate, Nicholas Jones, pleaded guilty to wire fraud ‘for falsifying records to conceal thousands of dollars of in-kind contributions by employees in a report to the Federal Elections Commission (FEC)’.Footnote 69 In 2023, the Chair of the Louisiana Democratic Party, Karen Carter Peterson, pled guilty to wire fraud in a case that accused her of defrauding the party and political donors.Footnote 70 Republican ex-Arkansas State Senator Jeremy Hutchinson pled guilty to taking bribes as an elected official to move legislation for a business.Footnote 71 In 2020, Republican then-Member of Congress Duncan Hunter and his wife were accused of wire fraud for the personal use of campaign funds.Footnote 72 Congressman Hunter pled guilty,Footnote 73 and was sentenced to eleven months in prison.Footnote 74 But the Congressman never served jail time because President Trump pardoned him.Footnote 75
Individuals running so-called Scam PACs have also been convicted of wire fraud violations. An example of this from 2020 is a ‘Maryland political consultant [who] was sentenced to three years in prison … for fraudulently soliciting hundreds of thousands of dollars in political contributions through several scam political actions committees (PACs) that he founded and advertised as supporting candidate for office and other political causes’.Footnote 76 In another example, in 2022, a ‘California man pleaded guilty … to conspiracy to solicit millions of dollars in contributions to two political action committees based on false and misleading representation that the funds would be used to support presidential candidates during and after the 2016 election cycle’.Footnote 77 A former Republican candidate for the US House of Representatives, Robert Cannon Hayes, pled guilty and was sentenced for ‘wire fraud and willfully violating the Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA) by operating fraudulent and unregistered political action committees’.Footnote 78 And in 2023, Jack Daly and Nathanael Pendley ‘pled guilty to conspiring to (i) commit mail fraud and (ii) lie to the Federal Election Commission’ because of their actions related to a scam PAC called the Draft PAC.Footnote 79
The Department of Justice has also chalked up wins in front of juries in cases about campaign funds that charged wire fraud. For instance, in 2020, Greg Lindberg and John Gray were convicted in a case of bribing the North Carolina Insurance Commissioner. As Acting Assistant Attorney General Brian Rabbitt said, ‘[w]hen Greg Lindberg and John Gray offered millions of dollars in bribes to the North Carolina Insurance Commissioner, they referred to their elaborately corrupt scheme as a “win–win” – unaware that the FBI was watching and listening’.Footnote 80 In another case, a jury convicted ‘former [Republican] US Representative Stephen E. Stockman for orchestrating a scheme to steal hundreds of thousands of dollars from charitable foundations and the individuals who ran those foundations to illegally finance Stockman’s campaigns for public office and to pay for his and others’ personal expenses’.Footnote 81
All of this is evidence that if the DOJ wants to charge Trump, his PACs or his campaign with wire fraud for defrauding donors of money using the Big Lie, this prosecutorial tool is available.Footnote 82 Another thing to note is that these listed prosecutions have been against both Republicans and Democrats. Moreover, the Trump Administration prosecuted Republicans and the Joe Biden Administration has prosecuted Democrats. So this does not fall into the lazy and inaccurate trope of criminalizing politics, or of an administration going after its political enemies.
8.5 Legal Peril for Trump, Trump Fundraisers and the Republican National Committee
Two investigations have focused on the post-2020 fundraising by team Trump: one by Congress and one by the Special Counsel Smith.Footnote 83 The Save America PAC was created on 9 November 2020, just days after Trump lost the 2020 election.Footnote 84 Trump’s Save America PAC was the primary vehicle for his post-election fundraising.Footnote 85 Super PACs that are nominally independent of Trump have also fundraised on the basis of the Big Lie.Footnote 86 The Select Committee found that Save America PAC along with the Trump campaign raised a quarter of a billion dollars.Footnote 87 Many of its fundraising emails and texts featured the Big Lie prominently.Footnote 88 As the Select Committee detailed:
Evidence gathered by the Committee indicates that President Trump raised roughly one quarter of a billion dollars in fundraising efforts between the [2020] election and January 6th [footnote omitted]. Those solicitations persistently claimed and referred to election fraud that did not exist. For example, the Trump Campaign, along with the Republican National Committee, sent millions of emails to their supporters, with messaging claiming that the election was ‘rigged’, that their donations could stop Democrats from ‘trying to steal the election’, and that Vice President Biden would be an ‘illegitimate president’ if he took office.Footnote 89
As the Select Committee also documented, none of this was true, and multiple people told Trump in real time that there was ‘no there, there’ when it came to massive election fraud in the 2020 election.Footnote 90 The fact that multiple individuals told Trump he was completely wrong about the existence of election fraud featured prominently in his third indictment by Special Counsel Smith for his actions surrounding January 6.Footnote 91 Moreover, some of the post-2020-election Trump fundraising emails indicated that the money would be used for an election defense fund related to the 2020 election litigation for the sixty-plus litigations that he would eventually lose.Footnote 92 The Select Committee investigated the fundraising by Save America PAC and other Trump fundraising entities and discovered that the election defense fund did not exist.Footnote 93 Rather, as the Select Committee explained: ‘Despite what they told their supporters, however, most of their money was not used to stop any purported steal – it was diverted to accomplish the Big Rip-off. Millions of dollars that were raised ostensibly for “election defense” and “fighting voter fraud” were not spent that way at all.’Footnote 94
Finally, in an indication of how bizarre the post-2020 election period has become, there is also potential for wire fraud charges against the Republican National Committee (RNC) itself. Key events happened at RNC headquarters. For example, the following incidents are detailed in Fulton County, Georgia’s indictment of Trump and eighteen co-conspirators to overturn Georgia’s election:
On or about the 19th day of November 2020, Rudolph William Louis Giuliani, Jenna Lynn Ellis, Sidney Katherine Powell, and unindicted co-conspirator Individual 3, whose identity is known to the Grand Jury, appeared at a press conference at the Republican National Committee Headquarters on behalf of Donald John Trump and Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. (the ‘Trump Campaign’) and made false statements concerning fraud in the November 3, 2020 presidential election in Georgia and elsewhere. These were overt acts in furtherance of the conspiracy.Footnote 95
And as the Select Committee found:
Moreover, the Select Committee’s investigation shows that the RNC knew that President Trump’s claims about winning the election were baseless and that post-election donations would not help him secure an additional term in office. Yet, both the Trump Campaign and the RNC decided to continue fundraising after the election, a decision that would have come from President Trump himself.Footnote 96
Thus, if Trump is culpable for defrauding donors by fundraising on the basis of the Big Lie, then so too are the upper echelons of the RNC who did the same thing.
There should be legal consequences for defrauding donors with the Big Lie. The brutal repetition of the Big Lie for years warped Republicans’ and especially Trump supporters’ views of the 2020 election. Years later, many still think there was voter fraud.Footnote 97 And many are still forking out their hard-earned dollars because of the Big Lie.Footnote 98 Incidentally, the RNC is also implicated in a completely different crime of Trump’s fake elector scheme. As the Special Counsel detailed in his 1 August 2023 indictment of Trump:
On December 6 [2020], the Defendant [Donald Trump] and Co-Conspirator 2 [John Eastman] called the Chairwoman of the Republican National Committee to ensure that the plan was in motion. During the call, Co-Conspirator 2 told the Chairwoman that it was important for the RNC to help the Defendant’s Campaign gather electors in targeted states, and falsely represented to her that such electors’ votes would be used only if ongoing litigation in one of the states changed the results in the Defendant’s favor. After the RNC Chairwoman consulted the Campaign and heard that work on gathering electors was underway, she called and reported this information to the Defendant, who responded approvingly.Footnote 99
And then, a week later, the Chairwoman of the RNC sent the names of fake electors who had pretended to vote for him to Trump. As detailed in the indictment, this is what happened:
That evening [14 December 2020], at 6:26 p.m., the RNC Chairwoman forwarded to the Defendant [Trump], through his executive assistant, an email titled, ‘Electors Recap Final’ which represented that in ‘Six Contested States’, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin the Defendant’s electors had voted in parallel to Biden’s electors. The Defendant’s executive assistant responded, ‘It’s in front of him!’
This behavior was also noted in the Fulton County indictment, which stated:
On or about the 8th day of December 2020, Donald John Trump and John Charles Eastman placed a telephone call to Republican National Committee Chairwoman Ronna McDaniel to request her assistance gathering certain individuals to meet and cast electoral votes for Donald John Trump on December 14, 2020, in certain states despite the fact that Donald John Trump lost the November 3, 2020, presidential election in those states. This was an overt act in furtherance of the conspiracy.Footnote 100
At this point, neither the RNC nor its Chairwoman have been charged with any crimes in any venue.
Though the Fulton County Prosecutor did note that one of the overt acts in the overall conspiracy to overthrow the 2020 election in Georgia included:
On or about the 27th day of December 2020, Mark Randall Meadows sent a text message to Office of the Georgia Secretary of State Chief Investigator Frances Watson that stated in part, ‘Is there a way to speed up Fulton county signature verification in order to have results before Jan. 6 if the trump campaign assist financially.’ This was an overt act in furtherance of the conspiracy.Footnote 101
Put another way, the sitting Chief of Staff to the president was offering Trump campaign funds to speed up the vote count in Georgia as part of the alleged criminal conspiracy to overturn the lawful 2020 election. A federal judge has already found that these actions were beyond Meadows’ powers as a federal official because the Hatch Act bars executive officers from interfering or intervening in an election.Footnote 102 Nonetheless, there are thirty unindicted co-conspirators in the Fulton County indictment that could face future prosecution, including for fraudulent fundraising, so this story is still unfurling.
8.6 Where Did the Money Raised Using the Big Lie Go?
Some of the fundraising after the 2020 election using the Big Lie was done through Donald J. Trump for President, Inc. – that is, the Trump 2020 campaign. Even before the physical insurrection at the Capitol, the Select Committee found that Trump and certain of his lawyers and his supporters waged a campaign to get state election officials to overturn the results of the 2020 election. The Select Committee further found that President Trump had approved funding of ads that badgered state lawmakers to overturn the election, including in Arizona:
President Trump personally approved a series of advertisements that the Campaign ran on cable television and social media in several important States. One advertisement in Arizona called for pressure on Governor Ducey … alleging, ‘The evidence is overwhelming. Call Governor Ducey and your legislators. Demand they inspect the machines and hear the evidence.’ … Stand up for President Trump. Call today. Paid for by Donald J. Trump for President, Inc.Footnote 103
Top Trump advisors, including his son-in-law Jared Kushner, were involved in approving the ad campaign to pressure state lawmakers to overturn the results of the 2020 election. As the Select Committee noted:
Trump Campaign Senior Advisor Jason Miller … wrote that ‘the President and Mayor Giuliani want to get back up on TV ASAP, and Jared [Kushner] has approved in budgetary concept, so here’s the gameplan’ in order to ‘motivate the GOP base to put pressure on the Republican Governors of Georgia and Arizona and the Republican-controlled State legislatures in Wisconsin and Michigan to hear evidence of voter fraud before January 6th.’ Miller anticipated a budget of $5 million … On December 22nd, Jason Miller texted Jared Kushner that ‘POTUS has approved the buy’.Footnote 104
This places President Trump, Donald J. Trump for President, Inc., and his key advisors at the center of the effort to illegitimately overturn a democratic election at the state level.
The Select Committee found that the Save America PAC, in turn, gave funds to former White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows’ charity the Conservative Partnership Institute (CPI).Footnote 105 The CPI then gave $1 million to another group called American Voting Rights Foundation,Footnote 106 which was created two days after the CPI got money from Save America PAC.Footnote 107 Through this daisy-chain of donations, which occurred in 2021, Save America PAC helped fund the bogus effort to audit the 2020 vote in Arizona – which the press derisively called the Cyber Ninjas’ ‘fraudit’, a portmanteau of ‘fraudulent’ and ‘audit’.Footnote 108 As criminal investigations around Trump heated up in 2022 and 2023, Save America PAC spent tens of millions on criminal defense lawyers for Trump and witnesses around him.Footnote 109
Money was diverted from the 2020 Trump Campaign to the Save America PAC. And much of this money went to Trump-affiliated companies. As the Select Committee noted when following the money:
The Trump Campaign spent the money on President Trump, giving donations to his associates, and keeping it for himself in Save America. Hundreds of millions of dollars that were raised to go towards ‘election defense’ and ‘fighting voter fraud’ were not spent that way at all. To the contrary, most of the funds remain unspent, and millions have been paid to companies that are known affiliates of President Trump, or payments to entities associated with former Trump administration officials. Since the election, former Trump officials who are still working for President Trump’s PACs and are publicly receiving salaries as FEC-reported ‘payroll’, are also associated with these companies.Footnote 110
Another entity to consider is American Made Media Consultants, an LLC to which the Trump campaign paid millions throughout the 2020 re-election campaign. This LLC spent hundreds of thousands of dollars on messaging about January 6.Footnote 111 According to the Campaign Legal Center, ‘reporting shows that Jared Kushner approved AMMC’s [American Made Media Consultants’] formation and that its board initially included members of the former president’s and former vice president’s families who also held senior roles with the Trump campaign.’Footnote 112 The Select Committee summed up: ‘After raising $250 million dollars on false voter fraud claims, mostly from small-dollar donors, President Trump did not spend it on fighting an election he knew he lost. Instead, … President Trump got a war chest with millions of dollars, and the American people were left with the U.S. Capitol under attack.’Footnote 113 If any of money raised by the Big Lie ended up in Trump’s hands, that could be a key element in proving wire fraud in a federal criminal case or common law fraud in a state criminal case. In other words, Trump was not lying about the outcome of the 2020 election only to puff up his own ego – he was lying for monetary gain, which is a factor that triggers criminal liability.
8.7 Conclusion
Within weeks of the Select Committee making criminal referrals to the DOJ, Attorney General Merrick Garland appointed Jack Smith Special Counsel to investigate (1) Trump’s alleged retention of classified documents at Mar-a-Lago after he was president and (2) crimes that may have been committed during the events leading up to and on 6 January 2021.Footnote 114 As Jack Smith’s office became a subpoena factory, the Save America PAC funded lawyers for witnesses close to Trump.Footnote 115 And press reports indicate that the Special Counsel’s office is investigating the Save America PAC.Footnote 116
The Special Counsel’s investigations go directly into the inner circle running Trump’s 2024 election campaign. Presently, instead of having a traditional ‘campaign manager’, the Trump 2024 campaign has four senior advisors: Brian Jack, Chris LaCivita, Jason Miller and Susie Wiles, who is also the CEO of the Save America PAC.Footnote 117 Wiles is a key witness in Trump’s federal criminal case about classified documents.Footnote 118 She is apparently referred to as ‘PAC Representative’ in Trump’s Mar-a-Lago indictment, and Trump allegedly showed her a classified map even though she did not have the security clearance to see it.Footnote 119 She worked on Trump’s 2016 election as its Florida chair, and she also worked on his 2020 election until being fired in September 2020.Footnote 120 But she is back for round three with Trump’s 2024 campaign.Footnote 121 For the past few years, Wiles worked out of both of Trump’s resorts, Bedminster and Mar-a-Lago.Footnote 122 At present, Wiles has been accused of no wrongdoing by prosecutors, though it is possible that prosecutors are considering charges related to how the Save America PAC acted while she ran it.Footnote 123 She has been interviewed by the Special Counsel’s office several times.Footnote 124
When this chapter was written, Special Counsel Smith had not charged any actions related to fundraising using the Big Lie or its closely related problem of the Big Rip Off.Footnote 125 Nor had the Fulton County District Attorney. Smith’s indictment has been analogized to a rifle shot, while the Fulton County indictment was compared to a shotgun blast.Footnote 126 But the lack of fundraising-related charges is not because these avenues are legally foreclosed. Indeed, as this chapter has demonstrated, the DOJ frequently charges similar campaign finance cases with wire fraud. With four charges already pending against ex-President Trump for his actions surrounding January 6, it is possible that viable charges about wire fraud were left out just to streamline the Special Counsel’s case against Trump.Footnote 127 Additionally, the Fulton County Prosecutor did not focus on the fundraising in her sprawling Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act indictment of ex-President Trump and his eighteen co-conspirators.Footnote 128 It is still possible that the Fulton County District Attorney could charge common law fraud offenses related to Save America PAC’s fundraising that defrauded residents of Fulton County, Georgia, of their hard-earned money.Footnote 129 Prosecuting these crimes would be better for future elections as it would disincentivize other politicians from copying Trump’s fundraising using disinformation.