This article provides an introduction to the special volume on research related to issues of social isolation and loneliness for older people. It discusses some key concepts and provides a brief overview of the articles included in the volume.

The Bangor Longitudinal Study of Ageing (BLSA), conducted in rural Wales from 1979 to 1999, followed a cohort of survivors from more than 500 people over 20 years. Using both quantitative and qualitative data from the study, the factors associated with increases and decreases in loneliness and social isolation were identified. The study was based on a population sample and survivors were followed up every 4 years. From 1983 to 1987, 30 people aged 75 and over in 1979 were studied intensively. The customary measure of loneliness was used, as well as an aggregate measure devised by the research team. Social isolation was similarly measured, using an aggregate measure. Respondents were assessed as demonstrating low, moderate, or high levels of loneliness or isolation. Subsequently, statistical models of loneliness and social isolation were developed. Some respondents were assessed as not experiencing social isolation or loneliness during the study. Others showed changes in levels. In this article, the data are explored, seeking factors associated with changes in social isolation and loneliness. Outcome measures of these two variables of interest are compared with items from the aggregate measures and other identifiable intervening variables. The article discusses which change variables contribute most to levels of isolation and loneliness and result in different combinations of these two outcomes. Implications for policy and practice are discussed.

The purpose of this paper was to identify predictors of social isolation and loneliness for very old rural and urban adults. With data from the 1996 Aging in Manitoba Study (N = 1,868; age range 72–104), separate multiple regression models were constructed for rural and urban sub-samples, using the life space index (LSI) to measure social isolation as one outcome, and a loneliness index created by the authors from a combination of items to measure loneliness as a second outcome. Different factors were found to predict the outcomes for the two sub-samples. The models with isolation as the outcome produced five predictors for the rural sub-sample and three for the urban sub-sample. Only living alone was the same for both groups. The models with loneliness as the outcome produced five predictors for the rural sub-sample and two for the urban sub-sample, again with only one factor in common – four or more chronic illnesses. We conclude that health and social factors are important predictors of social isolation and loneliness, and sensitivity to these factors may improve the experience of older adults.

In this study, Weiss's (1973) theorizing about the sources of emotional and social loneliness is elaborated – with notions about the asymmetric gratifications derived from marriage, about the conflicting loyalties that result from remarriage, and about selection into marriage – in order to reach an understanding of gender differences in loneliness, both in and outside of marriage. First and subsequent marriages are considered, as well as marital disruptions and never marrying. The data (N = 3737) are from the 1992 Dutch survey on older adults' living arrangements and social networks (NESTOR-LSN). Marital-history differences emerge, not only for emotional loneliness, but also (and contrary to Weiss's theoretical conceptualizations) for social loneliness. The marital-history differences in emotional and social loneliness are greater among men than women. For men, the marriage bond appears not only to be more central to emotional well-being than is the case for women but also to play a pivotal role in their involvement with others. Marital history offers the best explanation for differences in emotional loneliness among men, but social embeddedness characteristics also account for differences in emotional loneliness among women. Apparently, whereas men are more likely to find an intimate attachment in marriage, women also find protection from emotional loneliness in other close ties. The marital-history differences in social loneliness are largely mediated by social embeddedness characteristics, partly in different ways for men and women. Involvement in activities outside the home serves as the context for sociability for men, whereas parenthood plays a more important role in women's social engagements.

The purpose of this study was to examine whether older age is associated with increasing loneliness in people aged 60 and over. Data came from TamELSA, a population-based prospective longitudinal study in Tampere, Finland. The follow-up time was 20 years. Loneliness was measured by a single question – “Do you feel lonely?“ – with the possible answers often, sometimes, or never. Cross-sectional analysis showed that the percentage of subjects feeling lonely increased toward older age groups, but in a multivariate analysis, only household composition and social participation were independently associated with loneliness. Longitudinal analysis showed that loneliness increased with higher age. Over a 10-year period, loneliness increased most in those who, at baseline, were married and living alone with their spouse. In conclusion, only a minority of older people continuously suffer from loneliness. Loneliness does increase with age, not because of age per se, but because of increasing disability and decreasing social integration.

Loneliness is experienced in many cultures. To properly assess cross-cultural differences, attention should be paid to the level, determinants, and measurement of loneliness. However, cross-cultural studies have rarely taken into account more than one of these. Differences in the level of loneliness were hypothesized on the basis of national differences in partnership, kinship, and friendship, which were assumed to be related to cultural standards within a society. Differences were examined among married and widowed older adults aged 70 to 89 years living independently in the Netherlands (N = 1,847), Tuscany, Italy (N = 562), and Manitoba, Canada (N = 1,134). Loneliness was measured with an 11-item scale. The Manitobans were high on emotional loneliness and the Tuscans were high on social loneliness. Partner status excepted, the determinants were nearly the same across the three locations. Differential item functioning (DIF) related to the three locations was observed for most items. Interactions with gender and the availability of a partner relationship were observed.

This article provides a commentary on a set of five other articles reporting European and Canadian studies of loneliness among seniors. It places those works involving Canadian, Dutch, Finnish, and Welsh samples in the larger context of research on loneliness; offers reflections on the methods and findings reported in the articles; and addresses the question, Is loneliness universal? Points of similarity in the articles are identified and possible ways of reconciling discrepant findings regarding age trends and gender differences are put forward. A discrepancy model of loneliness is used as a key framework for explaining several points, including why objective social isolation and loneliness don't always go together.

This book is comprised of three sections: the problems and consequences of the push for more de-institutionalized health care, the issues that crop up in this context, and the perceptions of the caregiver. At the core of this text are the two groups of women who are most present in this new context: the informal caregivers or family helpers and the nurses. Three conclusions become evident. Firstly, the push for home care has many negative consequences, especially for women. Secondly, although the help of a family member makes possible the dispensation of care at home, something wished for by most patients, it also entails an increase in, and professionalization of, the tasks for the caregiving family member. Finally, using the home as the place of care also has the consequence of increasing the tasks of nursing personnel, to the point where there is a perception that the quality of care has decreased.