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“WE WILL MAKE EUROPE THERE”: ITALIAN INTELLECTUALS IN SEARCH OF EUROPE AND AMERICA IN HITLER’S GERMANY*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 March 2015

DONATELLA GERMANESE
DONATELLA GERMANESE*
Affiliation:
Max Planck Institute for the History of Science, Berlin E-mail: [email protected]
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Abstract

In the early 1940s, Felice Balbo and Giaime Pintor judged and re-envisioned Europe from a shared observation point in Turin with two institutional settings: the publishing house Giulio Einaudi Editore and the Italian Committee for the Armistice with France. Their privileged perspective—so far little known outside Italy—offers interesting clues about forms of opposition to Fascism and National Socialism by a generation that grew up under dictatorship. Drawing on unpublished sources and memoirs, this essay retraces a dialogue among friends, showing how young members of the Italian intelligentsia designed eccentric scenarios to overcome a nazified Europe. An overly enthusiastic reception of American culture, illusions about impending insurrections in Germany, and a general attraction to German culture helped Balbo and Pintor in becoming active antifascists.

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Articles
Information
Modern Intellectual History , Volume 14 , Issue 2 , August 2017 , pp. 451 - 476
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2015 

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Footnotes

*

I would like to thank the archival staff who supported my research on-site, in particular Elisabetta Garritano and Margherita Martelli of the Archivio Centrale dell. Stato in Rome and Fabio Nardelli of the Foundazione per le Scienze Religiose Giovanni XXVIII in Bologna. I am also grateful to Lorraine Daston, Judith Kaplan, Rebecca Lemov, Thomas Lindenberger, Mariuccia Salvati, Skúli Sigurdsson, Klaus Voigt, and Annette Vogt, as well as the anonymous reviewers for helpful comments. Finally, I would like to thank Amy Edith Johnson for copy-editing this manuscript.

References

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2 Luigi Einaudi, a regular contributor to the influential daily newspaper Corriere della Sera, was “Senatore del Regno d’Italia” from 1919 on, opposing the new Fascist rulers after the murder of the socialist politician Giacomo Matteotti in 1924. After his exile in Switzerland (Oct. 1943–Dec. 1944) he became governor of the Bank of Italy in 1945 and president of the Italian Republic in 1948.

3 See www.liceomassimodazeglio.it/storia.html, accessed 8 March 2014. For an accurate portrait of Turin from the 1920s until the 1960s, centered on the Giulio Einaudi publishing house, see Albath, Maike, Der Geist von Turin: Pavese, Ginzburg, Einaudi und die Wiedergeburt Italiens nach 1943 (Berlin, 2010)Google Scholar.

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8 Mangoni, Pensare i libri, 34. Turi highlights a further series, Library of Historical Culture, which had been set up by Ginzburg and began in 1935. See Turi, Casa Einaudi, 75–9.

9 Turi, Casa Einaudi, 113 and 124; Mangoni, Pensare i libri, 113–15.

10 The Einaudi publishing house numbered in its editorial staff writers with an international reputation like Italo Calvino, Natalia Ginzburg, Cesare Pavese, and Elio Vittorini.

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14 From 1939 Pintor worked as the literary critic responsible for German literature for the magazine Oggi and additionally, from 1940, for the journal Primato.

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17 Einaudi, Frammenti di memoria, 57.

18 See Secchia, Pietro and Frassati, Filippo, Storia della Resistenza: La guerra di liberazione in Italia 1943–1945, 2 vols. (Rome, 1965), 1: 286–8Google Scholar.

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20 Pintor, Doppio diario, 1936–1943, 111 and 151. Balbo, Felice, L’uomo senza miti (Turin, 1945)Google Scholar.

21 Biasiolo, Monica, Giaime Pintor und die deutsche Kultur: Auf der Suche nach komplementären Stimmen (Heidelberg, 2010), 402–5Google Scholar.

22 Vittorini once hid under Haftmann's bed in the Hotel Principi di Piemonte in Turin. The episode was related by Haftmann's wife, Evelyn Haftmann, during an interview of 21 Sept. 2007 with Monica Biasiolo. Ibid., 488.

23 Balbo refers to Pintor's essay “Commento a un soldato tedesco,” Primato, 2/3 (Feb. 1941), 5–6; repr. in Pintor, Il sangue d’Europa, 1939–1943, 73–8.

24 Letter by Felice Balbo, signed with his nickname “Cicino,” to Giaime Pintor, 10 July [1943], Archivio Centrale dello Stato (ACS), Archivio Giaime Pintor (AGP), Busta 2, Fasc. 63, original emphasis. This letter has been partially published in a footnote in Calabri, Maria Cecilia, Il costante piacere di vivere: Vita di Giaime Pintor (Turin, 2007), 587 Google Scholar. Despite a remark on his own modest German-language skills, Balbo could probably speak German. See Pintor's letter of 29 August 1942 to General Gelich, in Pintor, Doppio diario, 172.

25 Invitto, Giovanni, Felice Balbo: Il superamento delle ideologie (Rome, 1988), 10 Google Scholar.

26 Ibid.

27 See Ricci, Nicola, Cattolici e marxismo: Filosofia e politica in Augusto del Noce, Felice Balbo e Franco Rodano (Milan, 2008)Google Scholar; Casula, Carlo Felice, Cattolici-comunisti e sinistra cristiana (1938–1945) (Bologna, 1976)Google Scholar; Invitto, Giovanni, Le idee di Felice Balbo: Una filosofia pragmatica dello sviluppo (Bologna, 1979)Google Scholar. See also Saresella, Daniela, “The Dialogue between Catholics and Communists in Italy during the 1960s,” Journal of the history of Ideas, 75/3 (July 2014), 493–512 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

28 For biographical information see Felice Balbo, Opere 1945–1964 (Turin, 1966), xiv–xviii; Invitto, Felice Balbo; Turbanti, “Felice Balbo.”

29 See Gallerano, Nicola et al., “Crisi di regime e crisi sociale,” in Bertolo, Gianfranco et al., ed., Operai e contadini nella crisi italiana del 1943–1944 (Milan, 1974), 3–78 Google Scholar; Mason, Tim, “The Turin Strikes of March 1943,” in Mason, , Nazism, Fascism and the Working Class, ed. Caplan, Jane (Cambridge, 1995), 274–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

30 Flores, Marcello and Gallerano, Nicola, Sul PCI: Un’interpretazione storica (Bologna, 1992), 60–61 Google Scholar.

31 Amendola, Giorgio, Storia del Partito comunista italiano 1921–1943 (Rome, 1978), 550 Google Scholar. See also Ragionieri, Ernesto, “Il partito comunista,” in Valiani, Leo, Bianchi, Gianfranco, and Ragionieri, Ernesto, Azionisti cattolici e comunisti nella resistenza (Milan, 1971), 301–431, at 329 Google Scholar; Secchia, Pietro and Frassati, Filippo, Storia della Resistenza: La guerra di liberazione in Italia 1943–1945, 2 vols. (Rome, 1965), 1: 62 and 391–3Google Scholar; Giovana, Mario, “I Gruppi di Azione Patriottica: caratteri e sviluppi di uno strumento di guerriglia urbana,” in La guerra partigiana in Italia e in Europa (Brescia, 2001), 201–15, at 201 Google Scholar; Pavone, Claudio, Una guerra civile: Saggio storico sulla moralità nella Resistenza (Turin, 1991), 493–505 Google Scholar.

32 About the rhetoric of “patriots” Philip E. Cooke writes, “The concept of the nation was at the core of the partisan press, with frequent reference to past glories, above all the Risorgimento.” Cooke, Philip E., The Legacy of the Italian Resistance (New York, 2011), 29 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

33 Pavone, Una guerra civile, 493–4. See also the homepage of the Italian National Partisan Association, ANPI: www.anpi.it/gap, accessed 28 Oct. 2014.

34 Vittorini, Elio, Uomini e no (Turin, 1945)Google Scholar.

35 According to the map attached to the armistice document of 24 June 1940, Gap lies in the region under Italian responsibility for the control of military equipment of the non-occupied French territory. Rainero, La commission italienne d’armistice avec la France, Tables 2, 5, 7, at 400–1.

36 See Calabri, Il costante piacere di vivere, 392–5.

37 Pintor, Il sangue d’Europa, 167–8.

38 Felice Balbo, “Il laboratorio dell’uomo,” in Balbo, Opere 1945–1964, 105–200, at 171. Vittorini, Diario in pubblico, 98–9. For a detailed treatment of the subject see Morsi, Gamal, “America ist immer woanders”: Die Rezeption des American Dream in Italien (Marburg, 2001)Google Scholar. On Balbo's transition from Americanism to anti-Americanism in the late 1940s see Invitto, Le idee di Felice Balbo, 30–34. In the 1930s, Vittorini had the translator Lucia Morpurgo Rodocanachi produce several literal translations of texts by American writers that he then elaborated and published under his own name without any mention of the collaboration—often even without paying the contracted fee. See Aveto, Andrea, “Traduzioni d’autore e no: Elio Vittorini e la ‘segreta’ collaborazione con Lucia Rodocanachi,” in Contorbia, Franco, ed., Lucia Rodocanachi: Le carte, la vita (Florence, 2006), 153–92Google Scholar.

39 Vittorini, Elio, ed., Americana: Raccolta di narratori dalle origini ai nostri giorni, with an introduction by Cecchi, Emilio (Milan, 1942)Google Scholar. On the censored edition of 1941 see Vittorini, Diario in pubblico, 119; Esposito, Edoardo, “Per la storia di Americana ,” in Esposito, , ed., Il dèmone dell’anticipazione: Cultura, letteratura, editoria in Elio Vittorini (Milan, 2009), 31–44 Google Scholar.

40 The essay “Americana” was published only after Pintor's death; now in Pintor, Il sangue d’Europa, 148–59. See Calabri, Il costante piacere di vivere, 363–8.

41 Pintor, Il sangue d’Europa, 151. Donald Heiney has published his own translation of Pintor's essay “Americana” in the appendix to his volume. Heiney, Donald, America in Modern Italian Literature (New Brunswick, 1964), 234–45Google Scholar.

42 Hawks, Howard, Only Angels Have Wings (Columbia Pictures, 1939)Google Scholar. On the popularity of American movies in Italy see Quaglietti, Lorenzo, Ecco i Nostri: L’invasione del cinema americano in Italia (Turin, 1991)Google Scholar. On Hawks see Pippin, Robert B., Hollywood Westerns and American Myth: The Importance of Howard Hawks and John Ford for Political Philosophy (New Haven and London, 2010)Google Scholar.

43 Balbo, Opere 1945–1964, 170–75. See also Turbanti, Giovanni, “Felice Balbo: Il cristianesimo nella sfida della ‘modernità’,” in Storia e Futuro, 19 (2009), 9, at http://storiaefuturo.eu/felice-balbo-cristianesimo-sfida-modernita, accessed 10 Dec. 2014Google Scholar.

44 Note that Balbo does not capitalize “america,” presumably in order not to attract the censor's attention.

45 Cf. Mauch, Christof and Patel, Kiran Klaus, eds., The United States and Germany during the Twentieth Century: Competition and Convergence (Washington, DC zand New York, 2010)Google Scholar.

46 Pintor, Il sangue d’Europa, 154.

47 Ibid., 159; translation by Donald Heiney in America in Modern Italian Literature, 245.

48 See, for example, Winschuh, Josef, Der Unternehmer im neuen Europa (Berlin and Charlottenburg, 1941)Google Scholar; Oesterheld, Alfred, Wirtschaftsraum Europa (Oldenburg/Berlin, 1942)Google Scholar.

49 Felice Balbo's literary estate is held in the archive Fondo Felice Balbo (FFB) of the Fondazione per le Scienze Religiose Giovanni XXIII, Bologna. The unpublished notebook mentioned has the archival code Serie B, B1, 13.

50 Ibid. Balbo will come back to these images in L’uomo senza miti and Il laboratorio dell’uomo (Turin, 1946). The opposition of many Italian Catholics to the alliance with National Socialist Germany, concentrated in the image of the beast, appears in an informer's report of 29 August 1939 about the opinion expressed inside the Azione Cattolica Italiana, a major lay Catholic movement, quoted in Moro, Renato, “Die italienischen Katholiken und der Krieg der ‘Achse’,” in Klinkhammer, Lutz, Guerrazzi, Amedeo Osti, and Schlemmer, Thomas, eds., Die “Achse” im Krieg: Politik, Ideologie und Kriegführung, 1939–1945 (Paderborn, 2010), 273–90, at 283Google Scholar. The evocative image of the beasts, recurrent in Balbo's unpublished notebooks, is also reminiscent of Hitler's epithet in the Anglo-Saxon world, for example in the 1939 movie “Hitler: Beast of Berlin.” This movie was produced in the USA in 1939 by Producers Distributing Corporation, telling the story of anti-Nazi activists, based on the novel Goose Step by Shepard Traube. The movie soon had to change its title to Beasts of Berlin and eventually to Hell's Devils.

51 Balbo, unpublished notebook, 1941, FFB, 5–7, reverse side, original emphasis.

52 See Enzo Collotti, Fascismo, fascismi (Florence, 1989)—with a large bibliography. For Italy see Bernhard, Patrick, “Renarrating Italian Fascism: New Directions in the Historiography of a European Dictatorship,” Contemporary European History, 23/1 (2014), 151–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

53 See Linehan, Thomas, British Fascism 1918–39: Parties, Ideology and Culture (Manchester, 2000)Google Scholar.

54 Spengler, Oswald, Man and Technics: A Contribution to a Philosophy of Life, trans. C. F. Atkinson (New York, 1932), 5–6 Google Scholar, original emphasis. See Herf, Jeffrey, Reactionary Modernism: Technology, Culture, and Politics in Weimar and the Third Reich (Cambridge and New York, 1984)Google Scholar. For Spengler building his theses on Nietzsche see Bosincu, Mario, “Immaginario antiprogressista e mito politico in ‘Der Mensch und die Technik’ di Oswald Spengler’, Giornale Critico di Storia delle Idee, 2/3 (2010), 127–40Google Scholar. Spengler's Der Mensch und die Technik was published in Germany in 1931 and translated into Italian the same year (by Corbaccio in Milan). His Jahre der Entscheidung (The Hour of Decision) was published in Germany in 1933 and in Italy in 1934 (by Bompiani in Milan). On Spengler's reception in Italy see Thöndl, Michael, Oswald Spengler in Italien (Leipzig, 2010)Google Scholar.

55 Balbo, unpublished notebook, 1941, FFB, 10, reverse side.

56 Historian of science George Sarton did not know of the Einaudi translation in the making when he wrote, “It is a great pity, by the way, that this book will hardly be available in the countries where national hallucinations are cultivated with the greatest intensity, and where its reading would be most profitable.” Sarton, George, “Review of Jan Huizinga, In the Shadow of To-morrow ,” Isis, 26 (1937), 487–9, at 489CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Bonsaver, Guido, Censorship and Literature in Fascist Italy (Toronto, 2007), 246–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

57 Huizinga, Johan, In the Shadow of To-morrow, trans. J. H. Huizinga (London and Toronto, 1936), 216 Google Scholar. Norberto Bobbio, philosopher and member of the Einaudi team, remembered some decades later that Italian readers had interpreted Huizinga's book as antifascist and as an “antidote to Spengler.” See Bobbio, Norberto, Trent’anni di storia della cultura a Torino (1920–1950) (Turin, 1977), 76 Google Scholar.

58 Giovanni Invitto identifies in Balbo's philosophy a connection between his “juvenile crocianesimo and the American philosophical culture represented by J. Dewey's pragmatism.” Invitto, Le idee di Felice Balbo, 22. See also De Bartolomeis, Francesco, “L’uomo senza miti” (review), Il Ponte, 1/9 (1945), 848–50Google Scholar; Ginzburg, The Things We Used to Say, 122–4. Balbo overcame his crocianesimo when he opted for Catholic communism. On Croce's influence see also Ajello, Nello, Intellettuali e PCI: 1944–1958 (Bari, 1979), 3–23 Google Scholar; Mangoni, Luisa, “Prefazione,” in Leone Ginzburg, Scritti, ed. Zucàro, Domenico (Turin, 2000), xi–xlvi, at xiv–xv Google Scholar.

59 Croce, Benedetto, Storia d’Europa nel secolo decimonono (Bari, 1932)Google Scholar; Croce, History of Europe in the Nineteenth Century, trans. Henry Furst (New York, 1933)Google ScholarPubMed. Croce placed under the dedication to Thomas Mann an epigraph from Dante's Divine Comedy featuring the spiritual affinity between Vergil and Dante.

60 Croce, History of Europe in the Nineteenth Century, 10.

61 Ibid., 360.

62 Balbo, unpublished notebook, 1941, FFB, 13, reverse side, original emphasis. It is noteworthy that this passage, introduced by an asterisk, is lacking in the typewritten version of the notebook kept in the same archival box, perhaps as a sign of later disillusion.

63 Horace, , Satires, Epistles, Ars Poetica, trans. H. R. Fairclough, the Loeb Classical Library 194 (Cambridge, MA and London, 1991), 409 Google Scholar.

64 Croce, History of Europe in the Nineteenth Century, 50.

65 Bottai, Giuseppe, “Latinità e germanesimo,” Primato, 2/1 (Jan. 1941), 2–3 Google Scholar.

66 Ibid., 3.

67 Ibid. Being unsuccessful in his endeavours, Bottai turned to the Italian German philosopher Ernesto Grassi, who presented Mussolini a paper in September 1941 and founded an Italian cultural institute in Berlin in December 1942. See the chapter “Deutschtum or Romanità: The Humanism Debate and the Fate of the Latin–Germanic Synthesis,” in Benjamin G. Martin, “A New Order for European Culture: The German–Italian Axis and the Reordering of International Cultural Exchange, 1936–1943” (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Columbia University, 2006, UMI no 3213563), 304–60.

68 For several examples of triumphalism in the Fascist press about the victory over France see Rainero, La commission italienne d’armistice avec la France, 39–44. In contrast, Rainero quotes also Italo Calvino's down-to-earth short story “Gli avanguardisti a Mentone” of 1953. Ibid., 44–5.

69 Mann, Erika, [Address to the Congress], in Ould, Hermon, ed., Writers in Freedom: A Symposium, Based on the XVII International Congress of the P.E.N. Club held in London in September 1941 (Port Washington, NY, 1941), 84 Google Scholar. The International PEN (Poets, Essayists, and Novelists) Club was founded in London in 1921.

70 See Colarizi, Simona, L’opinione degli italiani sotto il regime (Rome, 1991)Google Scholar; Lutz Klinkhammer, Amedeo O. Guerrazzi, and Thomas Schlemmer, “Der Krieg der ‘Achse’: zur Einführung,” in Klinkhammer, Guerrazzi, and Schlemmer, Die “Achse” im Krieg, 11–31, at 12. On the opposition of Catholic circles to the war see Moro, “Die italienischen Katholiken und der Krieg der ‘Achse’.”

71 Bundesarchiv–Militärarchiv Freiburg (BArch-MA), RW 34/10/265–270, Deutsche Verbindungsdelegation bei der Ital. Waffenstillstandskommission, “Bericht ueber die Woche 16.1.–23.1.1941,” Turin, 23 Jan. 1941.

72 BArch-MA, RW 34/10/269.

73 On myth in fascism see Griffin, Roger, The Nature of Fascism (London, 1991)Google Scholar; Fogu, Claudio, The Historic Imaginary (Toronto, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the convergences and divergences between Fascism and Italian Catholicism concerning the myth of Rome see De Cesaris, Valerio, “The Catholic Church and Italian Fascism at the Breaking Point: A Cultural Perspective,” Telos, 164 (2013), 151–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

74 Mangoni, Luisa, “Introduzione,” in Mangoni, , ed., “Primato” 1940–1943: Antologia (Bari, 1977), 29–51, at 33 Google Scholar.

75 Pintor, Il sangue d’Europa, 169.

76 Pintor, Doppio diario, 92.

77 Mangoni, Pensare i libri, 99–100.

78 Martin, Benjamin G., “‘European Literature’ in the Nazi New Order: The Cultural Politics of the European Writers’ Union, 1941–3,” Journal of Contemporary History, 48/3 (July 2013), 486–508 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hausmann, Frank-Rutger, “Kollaborierende Intellektuelle in Weimar: Die ‘Europäische Schriftsteller-Vereinigung’ als ‘Anti-P.E.N.-Club’,” in Seemann, Hellmut Th., ed., Europa in Weimar: Visionen eines Kontinents (Göttingen, 2008), 399–422 Google Scholar; Dufay, François, Le voyage d’automne: Octobre 1941, des écrivains français en Allemagne (Paris, 2000)Google Scholar; Serri, Mirella, Il breve viaggio: Giaime Pintor nella Weimar nazista (Venice, 2002), 141–75 (with a large Appendix containing Italian government documents on this initiative, at 197–246)Google Scholar; for an informed response to Serri see Calabri, “Della dissimulazione onesta,” 141–83, esp. 176–81. See also Pintor, Doppio diario, 124 and 173–4; Pintor, Il sangue d’Europa, xvii–xviii; 133–8.

79 See Hausmann, Frank-Rutger, “Dichte Dichter, tage nicht!” Die europäische Schriftsteller-Vereinigung in Weimar, 1941–1948 (Frankfurt am Main, 2004), 38–9, 238Google Scholar.

80 Mann, [Address to the Congress], 84.

81 Hausmann, “Kollaborierende Intellektuelle in Weimar,” 405.

82 See the note of 28 Sept. 1942 written by the Sottosegretario di Stato L. Russo for Mussolini, published in transcription in Serri, Il breve viaggio, 230–31.

83 Vittorini, Elio, “Prefazione alla prima edizione del ‘Garofano rosso’,” in Vittorini, Le opere narrative, ed. Corti, Maria, vol. 1 (Milan, 1974), 423–50, at 447 Google Scholar. For a detailed summary of Vittorini's problems with censorship see Bonsaver, Censorship and Literature in Fascist Italy, 140–49, 241–51; Bonsaver, “Conversazione in Sicilia e la censura fascista,” in Esposito, Il dèmone dell’anticipazione, 13–29. See also Forgacs, David, Italian Culture in the Industrial Era, 1880–1980: Cultural Industries, Politics and the Public (Manchester and New York, 1990), 86–7Google Scholar. For a new approach to the subject see Marisa Abby Escolar, “Contaminating Conversions: Narrating Censorship, Translation, Fascism” (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Berkeley, 2011, UMI no 3469259).

84 Rago, Michele, “Vittorini e la politica culturale della sinistra,” Menabò, 10 (1967), 113–27, esp. 116–18Google Scholar; anonymous [Oreste del Buono?], “Diario in pubblico: Il tempo, la società,” in Vittorini, Diario in pubblico, v–xxiv; Crovi, Raffaele, Il lungo viaggio di Vittorini: Una biografia critica (Venice, 1998), 209–19Google Scholar.

85 Vittorini documented this episode in a letter of 29 Jan. 1950 to Valentino Gerratana, the editor of the posthumous collection of Pintor's essays Il sangue d’Europa. Vittorini, Elio, Gli anni del “Politecnico”: Lettere 1945–1951, ed. Minoia, Carlo (Turin, 1977), 295–6Google Scholar. In later testimony, Vittorini provided additional information in a letter of 26 Nov. 1962 to Donald Heiney. See Crovi, Il lungo viaggio di Vittorini, 202.

86 On the Deutschlandrundreise that took place from 5 to 23 Oct. 1941 see Hausmann, “Dichte Dichter, tage nicht!”, 107–41. Hausmann remarks that the foreign writers did not notice the presence of the concentration camp Buchenwald close to Weimar—either because they could not have been aware of it, or because they deliberately did not want to. Ibid., 409. On Buchenwald see Semprún, Jorge, Quel beau dimanche (Paris, 1980)Google Scholar.

87 See Serri, Il breve viaggio, 237–46.

88 The first sentence is in a note, dated 21 Oct. 1942, written by Pintor for Primato's editors and attached to the article he was submitting. Pintor, Il sangue d’Europa, 133. The second quotation is from a letter of Pintor's to his family, dated 16 Oct. 1942. Pintor, Doppio diario, 173.

89 Pintor, Il sangue d’Europa, 138.

90 For evidence of the immediate popularity of the novel see Crovi, Il lungo viaggio di Vittorini, 187–8.

91 See Crovi, Il lungo viaggio di Vittorini, 201–2. Before leaving for Weimar, Vittorini had expressed the wish to visit Munich and Nuremberg as well. Vittorini, Elio, I libri, la città, il mondo: Lettere 1933–1943, ed. Minoia, Carlo (Turin, 1985), 223 and 232Google Scholar.

92 Spinelli, Altiero and Rossi, Ernesto, Il manifesto di Ventotene, with an essay by Norberto Bobbio (Bologna, 1991)Google Scholar; Gianfranco Bianchi, “I cattolici,” in Leo Valiani et al., Azionisti cattolici e comunisti nella Resistenza, 149–300, esp. 162–4.

93 Voigt, Klaus, “Die Genfer Föderalistentreffen im Frühjahr 1944,” Risorgimento, 1/1 (1980), 59–72, at 60 on GinzburgGoogle Scholar.

94 Ibid., 63–7. See also Einaudi, Frammenti di memoria, 17–19; and Einaudi, Luigi, La guerra e l’unità europea (Bologna, 1986)Google Scholar.

95 Pintor's letter to Einaudi of 7 Aug. 1943 from Rome in Pintor, Doppio diario, 193.

96 A.S. [Spinelli, Altiero] and E.R. [Rossi, Ernesto], Problemi della Federazione Europea (Rome, 1944)Google Scholar. Ginzburg's participation in this edition is mentioned by Spinelli in a letter to Rossi of 20 Nov. 1944. See Rossi, Ernesto and Spinelli, Altiero, “Empirico” e “Pantagruel”: Per un’Europa diversa. Carteggio 1943–1945, ed. Graglia, Piero S. (Milan, 2012), 252 Google Scholar.

97 The Europeanist visions of the oppositional groups in the large countries of France and Poland are reported and commented on by Wyrwa, Tadeusz in his book L’idée europeenne dans la Résistance a travers la presse clandestine en France et en Pologne 1939–1945 (Paris, 1987)Google Scholar. See also Heyde, Veronika, De l’esprit de la Résistance jusqu’à l’idée de l’Europe: Projets européens et américains pour l’Europe de l’après-guerre, 1940–1950 (Brussels, 2010), esp. 47–172 Google Scholar; Lipgens, Walter and Loth, Wilfried, Documents on the History of European Integration (Berlin, 1985)Google Scholar; Voigt, “Die Genfer Föderalistentreffen”; Lipgens, Walter, “European Federation in the Political Thought of Resistance Movements during World War II,” Central European History, 1, 1 (1968), 5–19 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

98 Spinelli and Rossi, Il manifesto di Ventotene, 71.

99 Ibid.

100 Ibid., 100.

101 In Italy the attempt on Hitler's life on 20 July 1944 was considered an episode inside the National Socialist power system. Focardi, Filippo, “Deutschland und die deutsche Frage aus der Sicht Italiens (1943–1945),” Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken, 75 (1995), 445–80Google Scholar; Petersen, Jens, “Der deutsche Widerstand im Urteil Italiens,” in Bernecker, Walther L. and Dotterweich, Volker, eds., Deutschland in den Internationalen Beziehungen des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts (Munich, 1996), 235–46Google Scholar; Hoffmann, Peter, German Resistance to Hitler (Cambridge, MA, 1988)Google Scholar.

102 Balbo, Opere, 565.

103 Pintor, Il sangue d’Europa, 187.

104 Croce, Benedetto, “L’ibrida ‘germanicità’ della scienza e cultura tedesca,” in Jollos-Mazzucchetti, Lavinia, ed., Die andere Achse: Italienische Resistenza und geistiges Deutschland, with postscript by Alfred Andersch (Hamburg, 1964), 40–41, at 41Google Scholar.

105 Balbo, Opere, 171; Pintor, Il sangue d’Europa, 159.