The varying experiences of different minority groups in China's Yunnan province are analyzed in light of the power resources that each possesses. The size, location, and impregnability of the group account for whether or not it can exert leverage on the regime in attempting to obtain cultural, political, and economic benefits. The author found that a group's assimilability, or its propensity to change its cultural traits, is negatively correlated with its numbers, with living in an isolated territory, and with its impregnability. The treatment the group has received under the People's Republic is dependent upon the same three power resources, as affected by the regime's policy and goals. For example, efforts have been made toward the political integration of groups whose main power resource is numbers, while the regime's main goal, when faced with groups whose principal resource is impregnability, has been to maintain civic peace.

A longstanding thesis on the Chinese revolution is that the peasants embraced the Communist movement because the brutalization by the invading Japanese Army aroused the village people, making it possible for the Communist Party to organize them and to appeal to their nationalist aspirations. A theoretical exploration of peasant mobilization and revolutionary war in the T'aihang Mountain-North China Plain revolutionary base suggests different reasons. The peasants there embraced the Communist movement mainly because the Communist Party 8th Route Army helped them regain their basic rights to subsistence in their struggles with landlords and local governments before the Japanese invasion. The armies of the Japanese and the Kuomintang exerted tremendous pressures on the peasant movements in the base area, and there was a negative correlation between the presence of these intruding forces and the emergence of a viable Communist political order. The revolutionary army won the War of Resistance and the War of Liberation largely by averting and ameliorating the burdens the peasants were encountering. In all of the revolutionary processes, the peasants placed greater value on the performance of the party in enhancing their livelihood than on the nationalist propaganda of the revolutionary movement.

Two views, founded on divergent rationales, have been used to explain the allocation of official bilateral aid. One view explains the allocation of aid in terms of the humanitarian needs of the recipient, the other in terms of the foreign policy interests of the donor. Although the foreign policy view is now clearly dominant, it has not been developed systematically. This paper initially develops an analytic foreign policy model of aid allocation. The model suggests that the provision of aid leads to the establishment of commitment and dependency, enabling the donor to realize certain foreign policy utilities. These utilities in turn allow the donor to pursue its interests. These interests may be ordered into five substantive foreign policy models. The main research objective of the paper is to test these models in the context of U.S. aid by making a cross-national, longitudinal study of the distribution of U.S. aid over the years 1960- 1970. We find that the foreign policy model which best explains the allocation of U.S. aid is one that is consonant with the political interpretation of imperialism.

Modern international negotiation is evolving toward a managerial process and away from a classical dispute-settlement procedure. Negotiation between governments is becoming the functional equivalent of bureaucracy within governments, and it is designed to increase orderly decision making and reduce uncertainty in the international society. Theories of bargaining and diplomatic representation are less useful in understanding modern large-scale negotiation than are theories about the management of information, or theories about how individuals develop common perceptions in complex situations. Concepts that help to explain modern negotiation are: problem-solving search, which emphasizes the development of relationships or hierarchies in complex data; programmed operations, which emphasize the tedious trial-and-error process of building agreement; and final agreement, which emphasizes the reformulation of problems.

Cognitive maps are representations of the causal beliefs or assertions of a specific individual. Maps of three Latin American policy makers (Carlos Andrés Pérez, Roberto de Oliveira Campos, and Aurelio de Lyra Tavares) suggest new hypotheses and ways of comparing maps across individuals: (i) individuals with broader political responsibility may have more complicated maps with respect to numbers of goals and policies, but less complicated maps with respect to linkages between policies and goals, than individuals with narrower responsibility; (2) maps of different individuals can and should be compared with respect to the degree to which they make (or fail to make) distinctions among related concepts; and (3) maps can be used to predict the future policies of individuals, and should be used in this way to test the theoretical potential of the approach.

This review of eight recently published works on Yugoslavia suggests that although information about the country is constantly increasing, the conceptual approach of social scientists continues to limit our understanding of its politics. Focusing on a variety of problems of interpretation that arise out of the concept of ideology in each work, the author offers alternative interpretations of Yugoslav politics and assesses the current state of our knowledge.