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Vatican Politics: Structure and Function

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 July 2011

Francis X. Murphy
Francis X. Murphy
Affiliation:
Professor at the Lateran University, Rome
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Extract

As a political component of the contemporary world, the Catholic il Church plays an important if ambivalent role in international affairs. On February 25, 1971, in Moscow, Archbishop Agostino Casaroli, head of the Vatican's bureau of Public Affairs, affixed die signature of die Holy See to the ratification of die International Treaty Limiting die Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. That same day, in London and Washington, die respective Apostolic Delegates to England and the United States signed identical documents. The participation of papal representatives in this international agreement raises a number of queries in the political order, not the least of which is the fundamental problem regarding die nature of the papacy as a sovereignty. No other religious institution in the modern world functions as bodi a church and a political organization that exchanges diplomatic representatives and claims total recognition as an independent member of die community of nations.

Type
Research Article
Information
World Politics , Volume 26 , Issue 4 , July 1974 , pp. 542 - 559
Copyright
Copyright © Trustees of Princeton University 1974

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References

1 Oppenheim, Lassa F. L. and Lauterpacht, Hersh, International Law, I, 8th ed. (London 1955), 234Google Scholar; Kunz, Josef L., The Changing Law of Nations (Columbus, Ohio 1968), 276–89.Google Scholar

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4 Lateran Treaty, Art. 25, paras, 1 and 2.

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16 Pastoral Constitution on the Church in Today's World, chap. 75. This document is designated by die opening words, Gaudium et Spes [Joy and Hope].

17 Between 1881 and 1890, Pope Leo XIII published four encyclicals on die relation between Church and society, the most important of which was Immortale Dei (November 1, 1885). In these he confirmed the condemnation of secular liberalism and democracy by his predecessors, but spoke of a legitimate liberty while urging Catholics to accept existing political institutions for the common good. The prejudice against democracy can be traced to Thomas Aquinas]; De regimine principum, 1.2, where he opts for monarchy as the best type of government in keeping with Aristotelian analysis. See Simon, Yves, Philosophy of Democratic Government (Chicago 1951).Google Scholar

18 Gaudium et Spes (fn. 16), chaps. 75 and 76; Pacem in Terris (April 1963), chap. 158.

19 Gaudium et Spes (fn. 16), chap. 76.

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21 See Nell-Breuning, Oswald V., “Octogesimo Anno,” Stimmen der Zeit (Munich 1971), 289–96Google Scholar, who describes the genesis of the encyclical on the social order published by Plus XI in 1931, which played a crucial role in Catholic social thought and action down to John XXIII. Breuning confesses to a certain naiveté on his own and the pontiffs part in regard to the deeper aspects of many of the issues in both the political and economic order.

22 Rhodes, , The Vatican in the Age of the Dictators, 1922–1945 (New York 1973), 211–19.Google Scholar

23 Rhodes, using archival material from the British and German Foreign Offices, puts in better perspective the allegations of Hochhuth, Rolf in his play, The Deputy (New York 1964)Google Scholar, as well as the documented studies by Lewy, Guenter, The Catholic Church and Nazi Germany (New York 1964)Google Scholar, and Friedländer, Saul, Pius XII and the Third Reich (New York 1966)Google Scholar; see also Bendey, Eric, The Storm over the Deputy (New York 1964)Google Scholar; Falconi, Carlo, The Silence of Pius XII (Boston 1970)Google Scholar; Oppen, Beate Ruhm von, Religion and Resistance to Nazism, Center of International Studies Research Monograph No. 35 (Princeton 1971).Google Scholar

24 Rynne, (fn. 2), 475–81, 552–55.Google Scholar

25 Aimed at the Italian political scene, this decree was ignored by a large proportion of the Catholic electorate, but was used in China to destroy a possible reconciliation between the New People's Republic and the Church. It was likewise employed in capitalist countries as a pretext by Catholics who failed to get involved in correcting the social and economic evils on which communism was feeding.

26 Rynne, (fn. 2), 50–51.Google Scholar

27 The policy of the Holy See is not to appoint bishops or make boundary adjustments until a peaceful settlement of intranational disputes has been achieved. During the last decade, following political adjustments, and as the result of a détente between the Vatican and these Soviet-orbit countries, the papacy has been able to fill most of the vacancies in the hierarchy. On the Church in Albania, see L'Osservatore Romano (English Edition), April 26, 1973, p. 10.

28 Pacem in Terris (fn. 18), chap. 159.

29 See Chevalier, (fn. 3), 289–339.Google Scholar

30 Apostolic Letter, Octogesima adveniente [On the Eightieth Anniversary of Rerum novarum], May 14, 1971, chaps. 32–34.Google Scholar

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32 In a speech on January 17, 1951, urging the Catholic leaders to accept the three autonomies, Premier Chou En-lai acknowledged the devotion of the missionaries in education and charitable activities, and indicated clearly his comprehension of the need for Catholics to remain united with Rome in spiritual matters. Ibid., 236–37.

33 On July 11, 1970, the American Maryknoll bishop, James Walsh, was released from prison to which he had been condemned with a 25-year sentence for carrying out, as vicar, the policies of Archbishop Riberi. In public and private statements, he expressed no resentment over the treatment accorded him. Some Vatican officials thought that his release might be the first step in a détente between the Holy See and Peking. But the Chinese Government showed no interest whatever, and if pressed, would indicate mat it was the Holy See that had severed relations by refusing, as late as 1958, to acknowledge die communications of die newly elected bishops.

34 Wei, (fn. 31), 278.Google Scholar

35 Within the last two years, expatriate native Chinese allowed to visit their homelands have reported to Bishop Carlo van Melkebecke, apostolic delegate for Chinese Catholics living outside continental China and Taiwan, who resides in Singapore, that Cadiolic services are conducted in private in many villages and towns; but almost nothing is known of die fate of die bishops and clergy who accepted the three autonomies and functioned until the Red Guard rampages of 1966. The recent exchange of the Vatican diplomat, Mons. Giovanni Cheli, who is well versed in relations with Communist countries, for Mons. Alberto Giovanetti as observer to the UN General Assembly in New York is considered a definite move toward reestablishing relations between China and the Holy See.

36 See Rynne, (fn. 2), 98–109, 236–60.Google Scholar

37 See Kuttner, Stephen, “Cardinalis: The History of a Canonical Concept,” Traditio, 111 (1945). 129–214.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

38 The problem involves the continual resistance of the Eastern Catholic rites and Synods (eleven, according to the 1973 Annuario Pontificio) to the attempts of the Congregation for the Eastern Churches to exercise jurisdiction over them, despite the guarantees of self-government reiterated in Vatican Council II's Decree on the Eastern Catholic Churches. See Rynne, (fn. 2), 335–42.Google Scholar

39 Speaking of the Church as an historical fact, Pope Pius said: “Whatever be the final verdict of the historian … the Church believes she can expect of him that he will in any case inform himself of her self-image…” Vous avez voulu (fn. 14).

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41 MacEoin, Gary, Revolution Next Door: Latin America in the 1970's (New York 1971)Google Scholar; Vekemans, Roger, “Teologia de la Liberación: comentario bibliografico,” Tierra Nueva, II and III (Bogotá 1972), 5–23, 5–20.Google Scholar