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The State and The Effective Control of Foreign Capital: The Case of South Korea
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 13 June 2011
Abstract
The literature on the political economy of developing nations has focused attention upon the weakness and vulnerability of the nation-state and its limited ability to deal with and effectively alter the dominant forces of the international economy. Despite common international structures, however, the empirical pattern of foreign ownership and control of the means of production varies in newly industrializing nations. Domestic political structures and alternative state strategies may therefore have a significant impact on the pattern of foreign ownership and on the degree of control that foreign capital may exert on a developing economy.
The author examines the principal legal and bureaucratic mechanisms utilized by the South Korean state to regulate the domestic economy's interaction with international capital, as well as the impact of these mechanisms upon domestic production patterns. The South Korean case demonstrates that, through the formulation and implementation of appropriate policy, the state in a developing nation possesses the capacity to shape the pattern of interaction with international economic forces. Legal and bureaucratic mechanisms have facilitated an industrial development that is predominantly owned and effectively controlled by Korean nationals.
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References
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Koo's argument was strongly supported by my 1986 survey of 18 major American, Japanese, British, and French bank officers in Seoul. All of them agreed that the screening process allows the state to control the size and sectoral flow of all foreign capital loans. They further agreed that the screening process assures a high level of certainty that foreign loans will aid the balance of payments. Moreover, all but two of the bank officers in the survey agreed that the screening process assures a high level of certainty that borrowed funds will flow to targeted industrial development.
One bank officer who had served in Brazil for five years in the 1970s asserted that in Brazil, the government had little idea of where foreign loans would flow or whether they would lead to increased production. Often, loans were not monitored and were used for consumption. In Korea, the state monitors foreign loan funds closely to ensure that they flow only into approved investment and that output projections are met after the production facility becomes operational.
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In a survey of foreign bank officers in Seoul (see fn. 10), 81% of respondents stated that the government has consistently followed a strategy of encouraging loans for foreign capital needs.
19 This conclusion is based upon a series of interviews and questionnaires (see fn. 10). According to the International Monetary Fund's representative in Seoul, “the Korean foreign capital accumulation strategy has been to borrow capital and license technology wherever possible in order to avoid foreign equity ownership.” The general manager of the Chase Manhattan Bank in Seoul asserted that “it has been the conscious and managed policy of the Korean government to use external borrowing to promote growth of the economy. At the same time, it is the conscious and managed policy of the Korean government to ensure that domestic industry is not foreign-controlled. That means more debt and less foreign equity.”
The general manager of Dupont in Seoul maintained that “if technology is locally available, a direct foreign investment will simply not be allowed”; a senior official with Westing-house stated, “the Koreans would prefer to operate totally without foreign investment if that would be possible.”
According to 92% of the foreign bank officers surveyed, Korean borrowing to finance foreign capital requirements has allowed a greater degree of national control over major economic decisions than a similar level of foreign direct investment would have.
20 Study on the Criteria for Foreign Direct Investment and Joint Venture in Korea (Seoul: International Management Institute, Korea University, 1972), 54–56. In interviews, this argument was also made by Kwan-tae Shin, Deputy Director, Investment Promotion Division of the Korean Ministry of Finance; by Bohn-young Koo, Special Economic Advisor to the Minister of the Economic Planning Board; and by Dong-gyu Shin, Assistant Director of the Foreign Capital Policy Division of the Ministry of Finance. Also see Jo, Sung-hwan, Direct Foreign Private Investment in South Korea: An Economic Survey (Seoul: Korean Development Institute, Working Paper No. 7707, 1977), 68.Google Scholar
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25 Koo(fn. 11), 26–28.
26 Ministry of Finance data (fn. 10). For the same period, comparable figures are: almost $8 billion in foreign direct investment in Taiwan, $17 billion in Mexico, $24 billion in Brazil, and $7 billion in Singapore (U.S. Department of Commerce, Overseas Business Reports, 1987).
27 Ministry of Finance data (fn. 10).
28 Economic Planning Board data (fn. 10).
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36 Koo(fn. II), 82.
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43 Economic Planning Board data (fn. 10).
44 The information on the divestiture of foreign-held equity was obtained through an interview with the Seoul branch manager of a major Japanese bank who was personally involved in the negotiations to buy out several Japanese firms.
45 Chang (fn. 16), 192.
46 See Evans, Peter, “National Autonomy and Economic Development: Critical Perspectives on Multinational Corporations in Poor Countries,” in Keohane, Robert O. and Nye, Joseph S. Jr, eds., Transnational Relations and World Politics (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972), 328–30Google Scholar; Barnet, Richard and Muller, Ronald, Global Reach (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1974), 152–65Google Scholar; Economic Commission for Latin America, External Financing in Latin America (New York: United Nations, 1965)Google Scholar; Devlin, David T. and Kruer, George R., “The International Investment Position of the United States,” Survey of Current Business 50, no. 1 (October 1970).Google Scholar
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