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The Religious Roots of Modern International Relations

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  13 June 2011

Daniel Philpott
Daniel Philpott
Affiliation:
University of California, Santa Barbara
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Abstract

The Protestant Reformation was a crucial spring of modern international relations. Had it lever occurred, a system of sovereign states would not have arrived, at least not in the form or at he time that it did at the Peace of Westphalia. This is the counterfactual the author seeks to sustain. He first advances an elaborated but qualified defense of the conventional wisdom that Westphalia is the origin of modern international relations. He then accounts for how Protestant deas exerted influence through transforming identities and exercising social power. Structural heories, emphasizing changes in material power, are skeptical of this account. The author roots lis empirical defense of ideas in the strong correlation between Reformation crises and polities' interests in Westphalia. A description of the historical causal pathways running from ideas to political interest then follows. Germany and France are brought as cases to illustrate two of these pathways. Finally, the author shows the evidentiary weakness of alternative structural material explanations.

Type
Research Article
Information
World Politics , Volume 52 , Issue 2 , January 2000 , pp. 206 - 245
Copyright
Copyright © Trustees of Princeton University 2000

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References

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11 Koenigsberger (fn. 9); Barraclough (fn. 10), 355–405; Holborn (fn. 10), 284–338.

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15 Israel (fn. 13), 27; Osiander (fn. 13), 46–47.

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18 Osiander (fn. 13), 40; Holborn (fn. 10), 368–69.

19 Osiander (fn. 13), 40–42.

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21 Holsti (fn. 20), 46–59; Osiander (fn. 13), 49; Barraclough (fn. 10), 381–87.

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23 See Vincent, R. J., Non-intervention in International Order (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974)Google Scholar.

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25 On these criteria, see Tetlock, Philip E. and Belkin, Aaron, “Counterfactual Thought Experiments in World Politics,” in Tetlock, Philip E. and Belkin, Aaron, eds., Counterfactual Thought Experiments World Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 21–25Google Scholar. With regard to the “minimal rewrite-of-history rule,” I will ultimately argue that even structural material forces were themselves shaped in part by the Reformation and were thus not independent of it. I claim here only that a world in which they were independent is plausibly imagined and indeed posited by most of the social scientists whom I address.

26 See Tilly (fn. 7).

27 Spruyt (fn. 1), 153–80.

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30 March, James G. and Olsen, Johan P., “The Institutional Dynamics of International Political Orders,” International Organization 52 (Autumn 1998), 958CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

31 For general accounts of the trend, see Judith Goldstein and Robert O. Keohane, “Ideas and Foreign Policy: An Analytical Framework,” in Goldstein and Keohane (fn. 3); Katzenstein, Peter, ed., The Culture of National Security: Norms and Identity in World Politics (New York: Columbia University, 1996)Google Scholar; Hall, Peter, ed., The Political Power of Economic Ideas (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989)Google Scholar; Wendt (fn. 1, 1994 and 1992); Blyth, Mark, “Any More Bright Ideas? The Ideational Turn of Comparative Political Economy,” Comparative Politics 29 (January 1997)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jacobsen, John Kurt, “Much Ado about Ideas: The Cognitive Factor in Economic Policy,” World Politics 47 (January 1995)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mann, Michael, The Sources of Social Power, vol. 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. 321 propose my framework as a useful one for explaining the revolution at hand, not as the only process by which ideas operate. For portfolios of pathways and mechanisms, see Goldstein and Keo-hane (fn. 31), 8–26; and Katzenstein (fn. 31), 52—65.1 am not proposing a general theory that denotes the conditions under which ideas will have influence; rather, the argument is a theory of the causes of revolutions in sovereignty (revolutions in ideas) and not one of what causes revolutions in ideas.

33 For a definition of identity, see Ronald L. Jepperson, Alexander Wendt, and Peter J. Katzenstein, “Norms, Identity, and Culture in National Security,” in Katzenstein (fn. 31): “the images of individuality and distinctiveness ('selfhood') held and projected by an actor and formed (and modified over time) through relations with significant 'others'” (p. 59).

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35 Goldstein and Keohane (fn. 31), 16.

36 See Ripley, Brian, “Psychology, Foreign Policy, and International Relations Theory,” Political Psychology 14 (September 1993)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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39 On intellectual communities, see Adler, Emanuel and Haas, Peter, “Conclusion: Epistemic Communities, World Order, and the Creation of a Reflective Research Program,” International Organization 46 (Winter 1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On transnational networks, see Sikkink, Kathryn, “Human Rights, Principled Issue Networks, and Sovereignty in Latin America,” International Organization 47 (Summer 1993)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Keck, Margaret and Sikkink, Kathryn, Activists beyond Border's:Advocacy Networks in International Politics (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1998)Google Scholar. For an example of the influence of publics, see Lumsdaine, David, Moral Vision in International Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993)Google Scholar

40 On causal pathways, see Goldstein and Keohane (fn. 31), 24–26; and Katzenstein (fn. 31), 52–65 .

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42 See Jepperson, Wendt, and Katzenstein (fa. 33), 58–60.

43 Such versions adopt a variety of strategies, ranging from showing how utility functions are specified by ideas, culture, or psychological schema, to asserting the rationality of the attempts of “norms entrepreneurs” to construct common knowledge and alter others' utility functions in accordance with their commitments, to devising models of how ideas modify the pursuit of rational action as “focal points” or “resolvers of uncertainty,” and to charting the social context of rational action. See Finne-more and Sikkink (fn. 1), 909–15; Goldstein and Keohane (fn. 31), 3–30; Kahler, Miles, “Rationality in International Relations,” International Organization 52 (Autumn 1998), 933–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar; March and Olsen (fh. 30), 952–54; Elster, Jon, Nuts and Boltsfor the Social Sciences (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, Political Psychology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993)Google Scholar. For a more skeptical view of the reconcilability of constructivist and rationalist traditions, see Ruggie (fn. 1,1998), 883–85.

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45 Hall (fn. 1), 51–58.

46 Checkel (fn. 1), 340—42; Thomson (fn. 1). See also John Gerard Ruggie's comment that “[s]ocial constructivists in international relations have not yet managed to devise a theory of constitutive rules”; Ruggie (fn. 1,1998), 872.

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63 For an example of the influence of a ruling elite, in this case Gorbachev, who himself converts to and empowers new ideas, see Robert G. Herman, “Identity, Norms, and National Security: The Soviet Foreign Policy Revolution and the End of the Cold War,” in Katzenstein (fn. 31).

64 Cameron (fn. 51), 199–318.

65 The method here corresponds to the technique of “process tracing” in Alexander George's method of structured focused comparison; see George, , “Case Studies and Theory Development: The Method of Structured, Focused Comparison,” in Lauren, Paul G., ed., Diplomacy: New Approaches in History, Theory, and Policy (New York: Free Press, 1979)Google Scholar.

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67 Elton (fn. 66), 56; Chadwick (fn. 66), 67–71; Todd (fn. 66).

68 Barraclough (fn. 10), 374.

69 Cameron (fn. 51), 199–318.

70 Ibid., 210–92; on threat theory, see Walt, Stephen, The Origin of Alliances (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1987)Google Scholar.

71 Holborn (fn. 10), 137–39, 158, 162, 284–95, 374; Chadwick (fn. 66), 67–71; Todd (fn. 67), 230–39; Dickens (fn. 66), 87–106; Elton (fn. 66); Barraclough (fn. 10); Gagliardo (fn. 10), 14; Cameron (fn. 51), 210–91.

72 Holborn (fn. 10), 37–51; Barraclough (fn. 10), 363–67; Gagliardo (fn. 10), 2–4.

73 See Cameron (fn. 51), 199–313.

74 Ibid., 101–3.

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