Published online by Cambridge University Press: 13 June 2011
This study examines the effects of globalization, democratization, and partisanship on social spending in fourteen Latin American countries from 1973 to 1997, using a pooled time-series error-correction model. The authors examine three sets of issues. First, following debates in the literature on OECD countries, they want to know whether social spending has been encouraged or constrained by integration into global markets. Within this context, they examine the extent to which such outcomes might be influenced by two additional sets of domestic political and institutional factors discussed in work on developed countries: the electoral pressures of democratic institutions and whether or not popularly based governments are in power.
The authors show that trade integration has a consistently negative effect on aggregate social spending and that this is compounded by openness to capital markets. This is the strongest and most robust finding in the study. Neither democratic nor popularly based governments consistently affect overall social spending. The authors then disaggregate spending into social security transfers and expenditures on health and education. They find that popularly based governments tend to protect social security transfers, which tend toflowdisproportionately to their unionized constituencies; but they have a negative impact on health and education spending. Conversely, a shift to democracy leads to increases in health and education spending, which reaches a larger segment of the population. The authors conclude by emphasizing the contrasting political log-ics of the different types of social spending.
1 See Rodrik, , Has Globalization Gone Too Far? (Washington, D.C.: Institute for International Economics, 1997)Google Scholar.
2 Because of missing or noncomparable data, we were unable to include Colombia, Cuba, Haiti, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Panama.
3 Garrett, “Globalization and Government Spending around the World” (Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Atlanta, September 1-5, 1999).
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27 See Garrett's discussion of these issues (fn. 3); and Dennis Quinn, “The Correlates of Change in International Financial Regulation,” American Political Science Review 91 (September 1997).
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29 We have also tried other specifications of democracy such as (1) using a continuous measure or (2) changing the cutting point from 6 to 7 or 5. We did not see any significant changes in the results.
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31 We also ran the regressions substituting year dummies for decade dummies. This did not significantly affect the results.
32 See Garrett (fn. 3); and Huber and Stephens (fn. 25).
33 Garrett (fn. 3).
34 Beck and Katz (fn. 4).
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36 The failure to address these technical problems has called into question the findings of a number of earlier studies. For example, in a replication of Hicks and Swank's (fn. 25) influential study of OECD spending, only four of thirteen political and institutional variables reach conventional levels of significance when panel corrected standard errors are used; see Beck and Katz (fn. 4).
37 This model is equivalent to the one described by Beck and Katz (fn. 4), in which the authors explain the importance of separating short-term from long-term effects in dynamic models (see Appendix 2).
38 See William Greene, Econometric Analysis, 4th ed. (Upper Saddle River, N. J.: Prentice Hall, 2000), 733-35; Banerjee, Anindya, Dolado, Juan, Galbraith, John, and Henry, David, Co-Integration, Error Correction, and the Econometric Analysis of Non-Stationary Data (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
39 A sequential series of regressions, which excluded one country at a time, shows that these results are not driven by any given country. To check for possible outliers, we used robust regressions that use D-beta and Cook distances to correct for unusually deviant observations; the results obtained were very similar.
40 See Appendix 1 for the formula used in these calculations.
41 Morley, Machado, and Pettinato (fn. 26).
42 Quinn (fn. 27) also finds a positive relation in his study of OECD countries, as does Garrett (fn. 3) in his global sample.
43 See Frieden, Jeffry, Debt, Development, and Democracy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991)Google Scholar; and Rodrik (fn. 1).
44 Note that in the interaction model, the simple coefficients for trade and capital are necessary as controls but substantively meaningless. The coefficient for each uninteracted variable measures its impact when the value of the other variable is zero. See Friedrich, Robert, “In Defense of Multiplicative Terms,” American Journal of Political Science 26 (November 1982)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
45 We are grateful to William Roberts Clark, Department of Politics, New York University, for his methodological advice and assistance in this portion of the paper.
46 Brown and Hunter (fn. 16).
47 See ECLAC (fn. 24); and Brown and Hunter (fn. 16).
48 See ECLAC (fn. 24); and Stallings and Peres (fn. 8).
49 Mesa-Lago (fn. 19).
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51 See ECLAC (fn. 24).
52 See Mostajo (fn. 15).
53 See, for example, Nelson, Joan M., “Social Costs, Social-Sector Reforms, and Politics in Post-Communist Transformations,” in Nelson, Joan M., Tilly, Charles, and Walker, Lee, eds., 'Transforming Post-Communist PoliticalEconomies (Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press, 1997)Google Scholar.
54 Brown and Hunter (fn. 16).