Published online by Cambridge University Press: 18 July 2011
The comparative ease with which authoritarian groups have come to power in nations where large parties stood pledged to defend the democratic order to the bitter end has become one of the most disturbing elements in modern world politics. Such developments have brought into question the validity of accepted liberal-democratic norms governing the behavior of responsible leaders, both in the domestic opposition to the authoritarian regime and in foreign governments whose security arrangements are adversely affected by the suppression of free institutions. Basically, these traditional norms have implied non-interference with constitutional political processes and acceptance of their consequences. On June 23, 1933, Hitler outlawed the German Social Democratic Party (SPD), which for over four decades, until 1932, had been the largest German party and, since the founding of the Weimar Republic iri 1918, the principal advocate and defender of the democratic system and a peaceful foreign policy. In considering the actions of its leadership from the accession of Hitler to the outlawing of the party, this article seeks to contribute to a re-examination of these accepted norms, particularly insofar as they concern the behavior of a liberal-democratic mass party faced with a government seeking total power.
1 Chakotin, Serge, The Rape of the Masses, New York, 1940, p. 246.Google Scholar See also various articles by Carl Mierendorff, principal spokesman of this group, in Die Gesellschaft and Sozialistische Monatshefte during the period 1930–1933.
2 In 1932 the average age of the twelve most prominent leaders of the SPD (Wels, Vogel, Crispien, Löbe, Braun, Severing, Breitscheid, Hilferding, Stelling, Scheidemann, Stampfer, Dittmann) was fifty-eight, that of the twelve Nazi party Reichsführer thirty-seven. Twelve per cent of the SPD Reichstag deputies, but only 1 per cent of the Communist and 3 per cent of the Nazi deputies, were over sixty. However, 70 per cent of the Communist deputies and 62 per cent of the Nazi were under forty, compared with 14 per cent of the Social Democratic deputies. SPD membership, after a considerable decline during and immediately after the First World War, climbed back to an enrollment of one million in 1930. Membership in the party's youth groups, however, declined from 105,000 in 1923 to 50,000 by 1928. By 1931, as Hans Gerth has pointed out, only 19 per cent of the SPD members were under thirty, compared to 38 per cent of the Nazi party members (“The Nazi Party: Its Leadership and Composition,” American Journal of Sociology, xiv [January 1940], p. 530).Google Scholar
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5 Vorwärts, January 31, 1933 (evening ed.); I.I., February 8, 1933, p. 52; New York Times, January 30, 1933.
6 International Military Tribunal, Trial of the Major War Criminals, Nuremberg, 1947–1949, xxiv, pp. 373–75Google Scholar, Document 351PS (Minutes of the first session of the Hitler Cabinet, January 30, 1933).
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27 I.I., March 18, 1933. pp. 114–17.
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49 I.I., May 29, 1933, pp. 234ff., June 7, 1933, p. 260, and June 17, 1933, pp. 277ff.
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