No CrossRef data available.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 July 2021
The scholarship of high medieval warfare tends not to emphasize the contribution made by urban communities, regarding cities as the passive objects of military campaigning. This article shows that the inhabitants of medieval London, however, had emerged as an organized military community from an early date, and were regarded by contemporaries as unusually disciplined, effective, fighters.
1 A very early version of this article was given at the ‘Medieval London and the World’ conference hosted by the London Medieval Society in May 2015. I am grateful to the organizers of the conference, and to the delegates for their questions and comments, and to both of the anonymous reviewers and Dr Laura Crombie for their helpful comments on earlier drafts.
2 Church's summary of the historiography on royal military households is indispensable. S. Church, The Household Knights of King John (Cambridge, 1999), 1–15.
3 Even Susan Reynolds’ classic An Introduction to the History of English Medieval Towns (Oxford, 1977) confines almost all of its discussion of cities and warfare to a few pages on the Late Middle Ages, 146–9.
4 S. Keynes, ‘Alfred and the Mercians’, in M. Blackburn and D. Dumville (eds.), Kings, Currency, and Alliances: History and Coinage of Southern England in the Ninth Century (Woodbridge, 1988), 1–46, at 23–4. For a recent discussion that emphasizes the systematic organization of the Alfredian system and the degeneration of that system under his successors, see R. Abels, ‘The costs and consequences of Anglo-Saxon civil defence, 878–1066’, in J. Baker, S. Brookes and A. Reynolds (eds.), Landscapes of Defence in Early Medieval Europe (Turnhout, 2013), 195–222. For the role of burhs in both civil defence and the wider project of developing ‘joined-up’ government, see G. Williams, ‘Military and non-military functions of the Anglo-Saxon burh, c. 878–978’, in ibid., 129–64.
5 D. Bachrach, ‘Urban military forces of England and Germany c. 1240 – c. 1315, a comparison’, in J. France (ed.), Mercenaries and Paid Men (Leiden, 2008), 231–42.
6 J. Verbruggen, The Art of Warfare in Western Europe in the Middle Ages from the Eighth Century to c. 1340 (Woodbridge, 1997), esp. 144–59. Though he is dismissive in some places of non-knightly troops, he does regard the cities of northern Italy as producing ‘the first good foot soldiers of the second half of the twelfth century’. Scholars of the Iberian Peninsula often place heavy emphasis on the role of urban militias in campaigning and raiding in the same period. For instance, J. Powers, ‘Life on the cutting edge: the besieged town on the Luso-Hispanic frontier in the twelfth century’, in I.A. Corfis and M. Wolfe (eds.), The Medieval City under Siege (Woodbridge, 1995), 17–34.
7 For instance J. Verbruggen, The Battle of the Golden Spurs: Courtrai 11th July 1302 – A Contribution to the History of Flanders’ War of Liberation, 1297–1305 (Cambridge, 2005), and especially L. Crombie, Archery and Crossbow Guilds in Medieval Flanders, 1300–1500 (Woodbridge, 2016).
8 For instance, O. Creighton and R. Higham, Medieval Town Walls: An Archaeology and Social History of Urban Defence (Stroud, 2005), and J. Tracy (ed.), City Walls: the Urban Enceinte in Global Perspective (Cambridge, 2000).
9 It is striking that survey and reference books on medieval military history do not generally identify the involvement of towns and cities in warfare as significant. The Routledge Companion to Medieval Warfare has no discussion of urban warfare in its ‘Military Topics’. J. Bradbury, The Routledge Companion to Medieval Warfare (London, 2004). J. France, Western Warfare in the Age of the Crusades 1000–1300 (London, 1999), also does not address the subject.
10 J. Bradbury, The Medieval Siege (Woodbridge, 1992), 317–24.
11 S.R. Jones, York: The Making of a City 1068–1350 (Oxford, 2013), 316.
12 L. Diggelmann, ‘Chronicles and crowds: accounts of urban unrest in Norman cities, 1090–1160’, in A. Brown and J. Dumolyn (eds.), Medieval Urban Culture (Turnhout, 2017), 111–23. With a slightly later emphasis, B. Weiler, Kingship, Rebellion and Political Culture: England and Germany, c. 1215–1250 (Basingstoke, 2007), 152–9. Eliza Hartrich has suggested that the men of London were drawn into the abortive revolt of 1328–29 by their belief that they had a unique position as the guarantors of political order: E. Hartrich, ‘Urban identity and political rebellion: London and Henry of Lancaster's Revolt, 1328–29’, in W. Ormrod (ed.), Fourteenth Century England, vol. VII (Woodbridge, 2012), 89–105.
13 An important exception is J. Beeler, Warfare in England, 1066–1189 (Ithaca, 1966), 314–16. He also emphasized the exceptional status of London in this period, though the significance of his remarks do not seem to have been much recognized since. Sarah Rees Jones does indicate the active nature of York's citizens briefly in eadem, York, 117 and 127.
14 For example, S. Cohn, Popular Protest in Late Medieval English Towns (Cambridge, 2013), 6, 25, 162, 177, 321, 326; C. West, ‘Urban populations and associations’, in J. Crick and E. van Houts (eds.), A Social History of England, 900–1200 (Cambridge, 2011), 198–207, at 202. For a recent treatment that places Longbeard into the context of contemporary asceticism as well, see Alexander, D., ‘William Longbeard: a rebel holy man of twelfth-century England’, Viator, 48 (2017), 125–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
15 ‘Urbs ista viris est honorata, armis decorate, multo habitatore populosa; ut tempore bellicae cladis, jubente rege Stephano, bello apti ex ea exeuntes ostentui haberentur, et viginti millia armatorum equitum, sexaginta millia peditum aestimarentur.’ William FitzStephen, Vita Sancti Thomae, Cantuarensis Archiepiscopi et Martyris, in James Robertson (ed.), Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury (canonized by Pope Alexander III, AD 1173) (London, 1877), iii, 4. The English translation is taken from F. Stenton, Norman London: An Essay with a Translation of William FitzStephen's Description by H.E. Butler (London, 1934), 27.
16 Stenton, Norman London, 30–2. On the role of activities such as this in the shaping of twelfth-century martial culture, see M. Strickland, Henry the Young King, 1155–1183 (New Haven, 2017), 66–7.
17 See D. Gerrard, ‘Chivalry, war and clerical identity: England and Normandy c. 1056–1226’, in R. Kotecki and J. Maciejewski (eds.), Ecclesia et Violentia: Violence against the Church and Violence within the Church in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 2014), 102–21, and D. Gerrard, The Church at War: The Military Activities of Bishops, Abbots and Other Clergy in England, c. 900–1200 (London, 2017), esp. 46–7.
18 For an exceptionally full example, arguing strongly for the roots of the Description in classical literature, see J. Scattergood, ‘Misrepresenting the city: genre, intertextuality and FitzStephen's Description of London (c. 1173)’, in J. Scattergood (ed.), Reading the Past. Essays on Medieval and Renaissance Literature (Dublin, 1996), 15–36, at 25–36. For an excellent general summary of the place of encomia urbis in medieval European literature, including its roots in classical literature, see Fulton, H., ‘The encomium urbis in medieval Welsh poetry’, Proceedings of the Harvard Celtic Colloquium, 26/7 (2006/07), 54–72Google Scholar.
19 ‘orta est dissensio inter cives Londoniarum. Frequentius enim solito propter regis captionem et alia accidentia imponebantur eis auxilia non modica, et divites propriis parcentes marsupiis volebant ut pauperes solverent universa. Quod cum quidam legis peritus, videlicet Willelmus cum Barba, filius Osberti, videret, zelo justitiae et aequitatis accensus, factus est pauperum advocatus; volens quod unusquisque, tam dives quam pauper, secundum mobilia et facultates suas daret ad universa civitatis negotia; et abiit ad regem trans mare, et impetravit ab eo pacem sibi et populo.’ Roger of Howden, Chronica magistri Rogeri de Houedene, ed. W. Stubbs, 4 vols. (London, 1868–71), vol. IV, 5–6. This translation is taken from Roger of Howden, The Annals of Roger de Hoveden Comprising the History of England and of Other Countries of Europe from AD 732 to AD 1201, trans. H. Riley, 2 vols. (London, 1853), vol. II, 388.
20 Howden, Chronica, 6; Cohn, Popular Protest, 162–3; Gerrard, The Church at War, 51.
21 William of Newburgh, The History of English Affairs, in Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II., and Richard I, ed. R. Howlett, 2 vols. (London, 1884), vol. II, 270. For an important discussion of the different sources, see Gillingham, J., ‘The historian as judge: William of Newburgh and Hubert Walter’, English Historical Review, 119 (2004), 1275–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
22 Indeed, according to William of Newburgh, he briefly became the subject of a martyr's cult among the poor of the city. As Cohn, Popular Protest, 25, has pointed out, even in later medieval material, it is rare for English chroniclers to divide revolting city dwellers into social classes.
23 A. Cooper, ‘1190, William Longbeard and the crisis of Angevin England’, in S.R. Jones and S. Watson (eds.), Christians and Jews in Angevin England: The York Massacre of 1190, Narratives and Contexts (Woodbridge, 2013), 91–105.
24 R. Naismith, Citadel of the Saxons: The Rise of Early London (London, 2019), 121–2.
25 J. Haslam, ‘King Alfred and the development of London’, London Archaeologist (Spring 2010), 208–12. For similar remarks focused more on the national importance of the defences, see Abels, ‘Costs and consequences’. On the importance and development of Southwark (a jurisdictionally distinct settlement in the post-Alfredian period, see Naismith, Citadel, 127–8.
26 Langlands, A., ‘Placing the burh in Searobyrg: rethinking the urban topography of early medieval Salisbury’, Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Magazine, 107 (2014), 5, 8, 9Google Scholar. See Prosopography of Anglo-Saxon England (PASE) – Aelfsige 53, Aethelric 67, Edward 13, Hugelin 1, Titsan 1. See also Wynnstan 3 (not given the title in PASE), but that he held it is made clear in Electronic Sawyer 789. In the same period, it seems, the Thames was fortified with wooden stakes. T. Dyson and J. Schofield, ‘Saxon London’, in J. Haslam (ed.), Anglo-Saxon Towns in Southern England (Chichester, 1984), 285–314, at 298.
27 C. Brooke, London, 800–1216: The Shaping of a City (London, 1975), 96–7. The first charter that notes the presence of a Cnihtengild at Canterbury dates from the mid-ninth century. There is, however, broad agreement that this earlier term did not denote a military organization: see Reynolds, Introduction, 28.
28 On these problems, see Reynolds, Introduction, 82.
29 Holt, R., ‘The urban transformation in England’, Anglo Norman Studies, 32 (2009/10), 57–78Google Scholar, at 70.
30 The writ is quoted in full in Brooke, London, 97.
31 Ibid., 98.
32 It is worth noting that the bastions of the Roman defences of London had also been positioned with particular care to protect the city from the East. Dyson and Schofield, ‘Saxon London’, 286.
33 J. Stow, ‘Portsoken Warde’, in C.L. Kingsford (ed.), A Survey of London. Reprinted from the Text of 1603 (Oxford, 1908), 120–9, www.british-history.ac.uk/no-series/survey-of-london-stow/1603/pp120–129, accessed 9 Jan. 2020.
34 Unwin once called this view ‘not unlikely, but not proven’: G. Unwin, The Gilds and Companies of London, 4th edn (Watford, 1968), 26.
35 C.W. Hollister, Anglo-Saxon Military Institutions on the Eve of the Norman Conquest (Oxford, 1962), 13.
36 Both D and E Manuscripts of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle attest that by 1074, English troops were already serving in William's armies in Maine. J. Earle (ed.), Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel with Supplementary Extracts from the Others (Oxford, 1865), 211.
37 ‘Burgenses londonie ex illa antiqua nobilium militum Anglorum progenie’, fos. cxxx–cxxxix, in R.R. Sharpe (ed.), Calendar of Letter-Books of the City of London: c. 1291–1309 (London, 1901), 210–27, www.british-history.ac.uk/london-letter-books/volc/pp210–227, accessed 9 Jan. 2020.
38 See H. Davis, R. Whitwell, C. Johnson and H. Cronne (eds.), Regesta Regum Anglo-Normannorum, 1066–1154, 4 vols. (Oxford, 1913–69), vol. III, No. 1316 (p. 176), No. 1467 (p. 202) and No. 1793 (p. 269).
39 Reynolds, Introduction, 119; Stenton, Norman London, 9. On the later history of the ward as a key administrative unit of the city, see C. Barron, ‘Lay solidarities: the wards of medieval London’, in P. Stafford, J. Martindale and J. Nelson (eds.), Law, Laity and Solidarities: Essays in Honour of Susan Reynolds (Manchester, 2001), 218–33.
40 H. Davis, ‘London lands of St Paul's, 1066–1135’, in A. Little and F. Powicke (eds.), Essays in Medieval History Presented to Thomas Frederick Tout (Manchester, 1925), 45–60, remains key. See also A. Beaven, ‘Aldermen of the city of London: Portsoken ward’, in The Aldermen of the City of London Temp. Henry III - 1912 (London, Corporation of the City of London, 1908), 179–88, www.british-history.ac.uk/no-series/london-aldermen/hen3–1912/pp179–188, accessed 9 Jan. 2020.
41 Beeler, Warfare in England, 315–16; Stenton, Norman London, 28.
42 ‘Lundonensium terribilem et numerosum exercitum’, Henry of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum, ed. and trans. D. Greenway (Oxford, 1996), 746. It is striking that when Henry related an account of a battle in 894 in which a group of Londoners and four king's thegns were massacred, he inverted the point of the story giving victory to the townsmen and death to four Viking leaders. It may be that Henry tended to assume that Londoners should be expected to win their battles. Ibid., 294.
43 ‘Her on ðissum geare com Anlaf and Swegen to Lunden byri.g on Natiuitas Sanctę Marię. mid .iii and hund nigontigum scypum. and hi ða on þa buruh faestlice feohtende waeron. and eac hi mid fyre ontendon woldan. Ac hi þaer geferdon maran hearm and yfel þonne hi aefre wendon. þaet him aenig buruhwaru gedon sceolde.’ Earle (ed.), Two of the Saxon Chronicles, 132. For the view that London was the base of Athelred II's operations against the Vikings, see J. Green, Forging the Kingdom: Power in English Society, 973–1189 (Cambridge, 2017), 203.
44 ‘Tantus timor Anglos incesserat ut nichil de resistendo cogitarent; si qui sane antiquae gloriae memores obuiare et signa colligare temptassent, hostium multitudine et sotiorum defectione destituebantur.’ William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum Anglorum, ed. R. Mynors, R. Thompson and M. Winterbottom, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1998–99), vol. I, 270.
45 ‘Lundonia obsessa, sed a ciuibus probe defensa. Quocirca obsessores afflicti et desperantes posse capi ciuitatem discesserunt.’ Ibid.
46 ‘Þa nolde seo burhwaru abubgan ac heoldan mid fullan wige ongean. forðan Þaer waes inne se cyning Aeðelred. and Þurkil mid him.’ Earle (ed.), Two of the Saxon Chronicles, 148.
47 ‘Lundonienses, regem legitimum intra menia tutantes, portas occluserunt. Dani contra ferotius assistentes spe gloriae uirtutem alebant; oppidani in mortem pro libertate ruebant, nullam sibi ueniam futuram arbitrantes si regem desererent, quibus ipse uitam suam commiserat.’ William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum, vol. I, 302.
48 William of Jumieges inverted this sequence of events, writing that it was the Londoners who abandoned the king, not vice versa. The Gesta Normannorum Ducum of William of Jumièges, Orderic Vitalis, and Robert of Torigni, ed. E. van Houts, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1992–95), vol. II, 18.
49 ‘Laudandi prorsus uiri, et quos Mars ipse collata non sperneret hasta.’ William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum, vol. I, 302.
50 W. Prynne, The Third Part of a Seasonable, Legal, and Historical Vindication of the Good Old Fundamental Liberties, Franchises, Rights, Laws, Government of all English Freemen (London, 1657), 196.
51 William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum, vol. I, 316.
52 Osbern, ‘Translatio Sancti Aelfegi Cantuarensis archiepiscopi et martyris’, in A. Rumble (ed.), The Reign of Cnut: King of England, Denmark and Norway (London, 1994), 308.
53 Ibid., 308–10.
54 F. Barlow (ed.), The Life of King Edward who Rests at Westminster, Attributed to a Monk of St Bertin (Oxford, 1992), 42.
55 See S. Olsen Sønnesyn, William of Malmesbury and the Ethics of History (Woodbridge, 2012), and D. Gerrard, ‘William of Malmesbury and civic virtue’, in R. Thomson, E. Dolmans and E. Winkler (eds.), Discovering William of Malmesbury (Woodbridge, 2017), 27–36.
56 Morillo, S., ‘Hastings: an unusual battle’, Haskins Society Journal, 2 (1990), 95–104Google Scholar.
57 William of Poitiers, Gesta Guillelmi, ed. R. Davis and M. Chibnall (Oxford, 1998), 146.
58 Keynes, ‘Alfred and the Mercians’, 24. This seems to have been the same bridge that half a century earlier had been important in the struggle to resist Viking armies. It was not rebuilt in stone until 1176. Green, Forging the Kingdom, 214.
59 One of the most thorough and detailed accounts of this phase of the campaign is found in E. Impey, ‘London's early castles and the context of their creation’, in E. Impey (ed.), The White Tower (London, 2008), 13–26, at 15–19.
60 ‘Cum solos ciues habeat, copioso ac praestantia militari famoso incolatu abundat.’ William of Poitiers, Gesta Guillelmi, ed. Chibnall and Davis, 146.
61 Ibid., xv; Orderic Vitalis, The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, ed. M. Chibnall, 6 vols. (Oxford, 1969–80), vol. II, 258–60.
62 D. Bates, William the Conqueror (London, 2016), 249.
63 Bates is an honourable exception here. Nevertheless, he deals with this incident very briefly, perhaps not emphasizing enough just what a major strategic decision it must have been to turn William's army westward after this battle. A very different account of the subjugation of London is presented in the Carmen de Hastingae Proelio, which involves the encirclement of the city and a battle of wits between William and an English leader, Ansgar (presumably Edgar the Staller). Guy, bishop of Amiens, The Carmen de Hastingae Proelio, ed. F. Barlow (Oxford, 1972), 38–44. The Carmen, however, is generally reckoned to be unreliable as an account of military events. William of Jumièges seems to confuse matters somewhat, believing that the battle was fought after William had already crossed the Thames. William of Jumièges, Orderic Vitalis, Robert of Torigni, Gesta Normannorum Ducum, vol. II, 170. Bates has suggested that this version of events is driven by rhetorical considerations. William the Conqueror, 252.
64 Orderic Vitalis, Ecclesiastical History, vol. II, 182.
65 Ibid., 184.
66 On these fortifications, Impey, ‘London's early castles’, 22–6. Stenton also regarded this building campaign as a recognition of the challenge of holding onto a London made more dangerous by the military qualities identified by William of Poitiers. Stenton, Norman London, 7. Substantial effort was still going into the king's various works in and around the city a generation later. Green, Forging the Kingdom, 206–7.
67 D. Bates (ed.), Regesta Regum Anglo-Normannorum: The Acta of William I (1066–1087) (Oxford, 1998), No. 180 (p. 593).
68 F. Sheppard, London: A History (Oxford, 1998), 79.
69 Anon., Gesta Stephani, ed. K. Potter (Oxford, 1975), 122.
70 ‘omnis ciuitas sonantibus ubique campanis, signum uidelicet ad bellum progrediendi, ad arma conuolauit, omnesque unum habentes animum in comitissam et suos atrocissime irrruere uelle, quasi frequentissima ex apium alueariis examina reseratis portis pariter prodierunt’. Gesta Stephani, 124.
71 ‘sensim sine tumult quadam militaria disciplina urbe cesserunt’. William of Malmesbury, Historia Novella: The Contemporary History, ed. E. King and K. Potter (Oxford, 1998), 98.
72 ‘inuicta Lundoniensium caterua, qui fere mille cum galeis et loricis ornatissime instructi conuenerant’. Gesta Stephani, 128–30. Malmesbury notes that the Londoners were ‘making the greatest efforts, and not letting slip a single thing that lay in their power whereby they might distress the empress’. ‘Lundonensibus maxime annitentibus, nichilque omnino quod possent pretermittentibus quo imperatricem contristarent.’ Historia Novella, 102.
73 Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum, 740.
74 ‘cum immenso militum apparatu’. Gesta Stephani, 120.
75 Diggelman, ‘Chronicles and crowds’, 118–20.
76 King, E., King Stephen (New Haven, 2010), 223, 162Google Scholar.
77 ‘Fors la cite de Lundres, u nul ne set sa per./As baruns de la ville ne pot nul comparer./Unques en ceste guerre n'en oïstes parler,/Tant fust riche de terre, kis osast asiegier/Ne tender verse ls le dei pur sulement penser,/N'en eüst malveis gueredun en lieu de sun luier.’ Jordan Fantosme, Chronicle, ed. R. Johnston (Oxford, 1981), 68.
78 In Jordan's portrayal, the king does exactly this and feels sorrow for the Londoners’ concerns about the army of the king of Scots. Ibid., 142.
79 Ibid., 144.
80 ‘La plus leale gent de tut vostre regné./N'I ad nul en la vile ki seit de tel ëé/Ki puisse porter armes ne seit tres bien armé.’ Ibid., 120.
81 Strickland, Henry, 189–90, 204.
82 Domesday Book: A Complete Translation, ed. A. Williams and G. Martin (London, new edn 2003), 493–4, fo. 179. For a detailed discussion of the implications, see Hollister, Military Institutions, 89.
83 Orderic Vitalis, Ecclesiastical History, vol. II, 210–14. This is almost certainly based on a lost passage from William of Poitiers’ Gesta Guillelmi.
84 ‘Ciues eam tenebant furiosi, copiosae multitudinis, infestissimi mortalibus, Gallici generis puberes ac senatus.’ Orderic Vitalis, Ecclesiastical History, vol. II, 210.
85 ‘Exoniam rebellantem leuiter subegit, diuino scilicet iutus auxilio, quod pars muralis ultro decidens ingressum illi patefecerit; nam et ipse audatius eam assilierat, protestans homines irreuerentes Dei destituendos suffragio, quia unus eorum supra murum stans nudato inguine auras sonitu inferioris partis turbauerat, pro contempt uidelicet Normannorum. Eboracum, unicum rebellionum suffugium, ciuibus pene deleuit fame et ferro necatis. Ibi enim rex Scottorum Malcolmus cum suis, ibi Edgarus et Marcherius at Waldefus cum Anglis et Danis nidum tirannidis sepe fouebat, sepe duces illius trucidabant.’ William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum, vol. I, 462.
86 Gesta Stephani, 58–64. Sieges were of central importance to the civil wars of Stephen's reign. For an excellent exploration of the king's approaches, see J. Hosler, ‘King Stephen's siege tactics’ (2009), available online at www.academia.edu/13115296/King_Stephens_Siege_Tactics, accessed 24 Feb. 2020.
87 This is one of the key themes of Mark Hagger's important recent book, Norman Rule in Normandy, 911–1144 (Woodbridge, 2017).
88 Gesta Normannorum Ducum, vol. I, 20–1, 28–9, 96–7, 108–9, 116–19; vol. II, 138–9.
89 Rogeri de Wendover Chronica sive Flores Historiarum, ed. H.O. Coxe, 5 vols. (London, 1841–42), vol. IV, 249–50; Weiler, Kingship, 154.
90 Jean Froissart, Chronicles, ed. and trans. G. Brereton (Harmondsworth, 1978), 216. Froissart's lurid accounts of both the Peasants’ Revolt and the Jacquerie are well known. He thought that around 30,000 of the ‘small folk’ of London joined the rebels in 1381.
91 Munimenta Gildhallae Lundoniensis: Liber Albus, Liber Custumarum, et Liber horn, ed. H. Riley (London, 1860), 147–9.
92 Beeler, Warfare in England, 315–16; Stenton, Norman London, 28.
93 ‘Service que jeo dei a la cite.’ Liber Custumarum, 148.
94 ‘e irrount tote la commune suwir la baniere’. Ibid., 149.
95 Verbruggen, Art of Warfare, 145.