Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-gb8f7 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-24T04:36:54.921Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

An English small town in the later Middle Ages: Loughborough

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 February 2009

Abstract

The thesis of ‘urban decline’ in the late Middle Ages has been largely based on changes within incorporated boroughs. Loughborough was a small town in Leicestershire, closely involved in intra-regional exchange between three different farming regions. By the late fourteenth century, if not before, its central precinct had a definite urban form, including a specialized marketing form. Indicators (such as demographic estimates, litigation, and property-holding) suggest that the town did not suffer any substantial decline in the late Middle Ages. Structural changes in the countrysides, with a greater emphasis on specialization of production, may have maintained the town as a centre of exchange and consumption.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1993

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 I am grateful to an anonymous referee, Margaret Bonney, and to a number of people who have commented on various drafts of this paper. For an urban hierarchy in relationship to its ‘region’, see Dyer, C., ‘The hidden trade of the Middle Ages: evidence from the West Midlands of England’, Journal of Historical Geography, 18 (1992), 141–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar and see also Hilton, R.H., A Medieval Society. The West Midlands at the End of the Thirteenth Century (Cambridge, 1966), 167216Google Scholar. For the ‘social location’ of towns see Abrams, P., ‘Towns and economic growth: theories and problems’, in Abrams, P. and Wrigley, E.A. (eds), Towns in Societies (Cambridge, 1978), 933.Google Scholar

2 For recent studies of boroughs in the later middle ages: Bonney, M., Lordship and the Urban Community. Durham and its Overlords, 1250–1540 (Cambridge, 1990)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Britnell, R.H., Growth and Decline in Colchester 1300–1525 (Cambridge, 1986)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a range of studies, Holt, R. and Rosser, G. (eds), The Medieval Town. A Reader in English Urban History 1200–1540 (London, 1990).Google Scholar

3 Dyer, , ‘The hidden trade’.Google Scholar

4 For the importance of the network of small towns, Hilton, R.H., ‘Towns in English feudal society’Google Scholar, rpt. in idem, Class Conflict and the Crisis of Feudalism (London, 1985), 175–86Google Scholar, and idem, ‘The small town as a part of peasant society’, in idem, The English Peasantry in the Later Middle Ages (Oxford, 1975), 7694.Google Scholar

5 For towns in France and England, emphasizing some similarities, Hilton, R.H., English and French Towns in Feudal Society. A Comparative Study (Cambridge, 1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Rosser, and Holt, , The Medieval Town, 4Google Scholar, suggest several criteria for urban status: a dense and permanent concentration of inhabitants; substantial non-agrarian activity; and a demographic size above 300 persons, although ‘it is impossible to specify an absolute minimum size of an urban population’. These are the urban characteristics which can be identified in Loughborough. Additionally Cotes, which lies just to the north-east of Loughborough, may have been one of those suburban villages which lay outside primary towns; in 1327 there were 33 contributors to the lay subsidy which is quite a substantial number but they paid only a mean taxation of 22.9d (standard deviation 12; median 21d, interquartile ranges of 13.5d and 26.4d) which is perhaps consistent with suburban crafts. The recorded population in 1377 was still as high as 81. The data for 1327 are taken from dBase III + file compiled from Fletcher, W.G.D., ‘The earliest Leicestershire lay subsidy roll 1327’, Associated Architectural Societies Reports, 19 (18881989)Google Scholar and the figure for 1377 from Victoria History of the County of Leicester [hereafter VCH Leics.], vol. 2 (1953), 163.Google Scholar

6 The locus classicus for late medieval decline in larger boroughs is Phythian-Adams, C.V., The Desolation of a City: Coventry and the Urban Crisis of the Later Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1979)Google Scholar, but there is a wide literature on the question.

7 Everitt, A., ‘The Banburys of England’, Urban History Yearbook 1974, 2838, esp. 30CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, ‘The primary towns of England’, in idem, Landscape and Community (London, 1985), 93107.Google Scholar

8 The principal sources are in the Hastings MSS in the Huntington Library, San Marino, California: HAM Box 20, folders 2 and 4–8; HAM Box 24, folders 2,4 and 6–7. I am grateful for permission to use and cite these rolls. They comprise: court rolls, 1397–1409 (broken series) and rentals, n.d. [but 1370s], 1527, c. 1550 and 1559. There are additionally a few isolated court rolls through the fifteenth century. I have also used some dated and undated court rolls of the mid-sixteenth century to assess later developments. The court rolls comprise the view of frankpledge and the manorial court [court baron]. The bridgemasters' accounts do not survive before 1570. Earlier accounts may have been lost, but it seems more likely that their role became more important about 1570: Elliott, B., [The Loughborough bridgemasters account books], Bulletin of Local History East Midlands Region, 15 (1980), 23Google Scholar. Some other small towns have sources such as court rolls, but few have been exploited for the later Middle Ages. For example, Hilton, R.H., ‘Lords, burgesses and hucksters’, rpt. in Class Conflict and the Crisis of Feudalism, 194204Google Scholar, used court rolls for Halesowen and Thornbury; Raftis, J.A., A Small Town in Late Medieval England: Godmanchester, 1278–1400 (Toronto, 1982)Google Scholar. As yet, however, there are few studies of ‘primary towns’ from court rolls and rentals. It is therefore difficult to assess how many towns might have sources comparable with those for Loughborough.

9 Farnham, G.H., Charnwood Forest and its Historians and the Charnwood Manors (Leicester, 1930)Google Scholar. Acheson, E., A County Community. Leicestershire in the Fifteenth Century c. 1422–c. 1485 (Cambridge, 1992), 728CrossRefGoogle Scholar, discusses differences within the county, as does, for 1086, Holly, D., ‘Leicestershire’, in Darby, H.C. and Terrett, L.B. (eds), The Domesday Geography of Midland England (Cambridge, 1954), 315–53Google Scholar; for large flocks in and around Breedon-on-the-Hill, Public Record Office SC2/183/51–52.

10 Fox, H.S.A., ‘The people of the Wolds in English settlement history’, in Aston, M., Austin, D. and Dyer, C. (eds), The Rural Settlements of Medieval England (Oxford, 1989), 77101Google Scholar. For the manor of Lockington, held by Leicester Abbey, see the rentals of 1341 and 1477 and the tithe receipts in 1477 in Bodleian Library MS Laud Misc 625, fos 103v–104v, 165v and 207v–209v.

11 See generally, Miller, E. (ed.), The Agrarian History of England and Wales III 1348–1500 (Cambridge, 1991).Google Scholar

12 Rosser, G., Medieval Westminster 1250–1540 (Oxford, 1989).Google Scholar

13 Victoria History of the County of Leicester, vol. II (1953), 163–4.Google Scholar

14 Clark, P., Gaskin, K. and Wilson, A., Population Estimates of English Small Towns 1550–1851 (Centre for Urban History University of Leicester Working Paper no. 3, 1989), 101–3.Google Scholar

15 Fox, , ‘People of the Wolds’Google Scholar; for the shake-out of markets during the later Middle Ages, Everitt, A., ‘The marketing of agricultural produce’, in Thirsk, J. (ed.), The Agrarian History of England and Wales, IV, 1500–1640 (Cambridge, 1967), 473–5.Google Scholar

16 Smith, R.M., ‘Human resources’, in Astili, G. and Grant, A. (eds), The Countryside of Medieval England (Oxford, 1988), 190 for multipliers.Google Scholar

17 Clark, , Gaskin, and Wilson, , Population Estimates, v.Google Scholar

18 These graphs were produced using Quattro Pro v.4 and the statistics below using Minitab.

19 Beier, A.L., ‘The social problems of an Elizabethan country town: Warwick, 1580–90’, in Clark, P. (ed.), Country Towns in Pre-industrial England (Leicester, 1981), 4685Google Scholar, where demographic increase exacerbated problems of poverty.

20 Dyer, , ‘The hidden trade’Google Scholar; Holt, and Rosser, , The Medieval Town, 4Google Scholar; Hilton, , English Peasantry in the Later Middle Ages, 7780Google Scholar; Hilton, , English and French Towns, 67Google Scholar, emphasizes ‘occupational heterogeneity’ as the primary criterion of a town.

21 Denholm-Young, N., Seignorial Administration in England (Oxford, 1937), 8991Google Scholar; Post, J.B., ‘Manorial amercements and peasant poverty’, Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 28 (1975), 308–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Britnell, , Colchester, 89Google Scholar. One of the principal functions of the view was to check that all males over twelve were in tithing to ensure collective responsibility for individuals. For the origins and early history of frankpledge, Morris, W.A., The Frankpledge System (Cambridge, Mass., 1910)Google Scholar; Crowley, D.A., ‘The later history of frankpledge’, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 48 (1975), 115CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The view was originally a royal prerogative, exercised by the sheriff, but became privatized into the hands of some lords as a franchise.

22 For similar changes to the view at Havering, McIntosh, M.K., Autonomy and Community. The Royal Manor of Havering, 1200–1500 (Cambridge, 1986), 208–9 and 249–52.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

23 For this statement and the following paragraph, Cook, H.W., Bygone Loughborough (Loughborough, 1934), 132–4Google Scholar. For the importance of fraternities, Scarisbrick, J.J., The Reformation and the English People (Oxford, 1985), 1939Google Scholar; Rosser, G., ‘Communities of parish and guild in the late Middle Ages’, in Wright, S.J. (ed.), Parish Church and People: Studies in Lay Religion, 1350–1750 (London, 1988), 2955Google Scholar. For an older, but indispensable, study, Westlake, H.F., Parish Gilds of Medieval England (London, 1919)Google Scholar, but which lists no fraternities outside Leicester in the returns of 1389. For guilds as ‘shadow governments’ in boroughs, McCree, B.R., ‘Religious gilds and civic order: the case of Norwich in the late middle ages’, Speculum, 67 (1992), 6997CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Bennett, J.M., ‘Conviviality and charity in medieval and early modern England’, Past and Present, 134 (1992), 33.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

24 Cook, , Bygone Loughborough, 7Google Scholar; Calendar of the Charter Rolls vol. I Henry III A.D. 1226–1257 (London, 1903), 4, 90, 175Google Scholar; Hilton, R.H., ‘Medieval agrarian history’, in VCH Leics., vol. II (1953), 175 and 177Google Scholar, gives a summary list of the market towns and vills in the county (with dates of their earliest charters) and makes brief comments on the urban hierarchy. See also Britnell, R.H., ‘The proliferation of markets and fairs in England before 1349’, Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 34 (1981), 209–21.Google Scholar

25 Britnell, , Colchester, 35, 90–1Google Scholar; Bonney, , Lordship and the Urban Community, 152Google Scholar; McIntosh, , Autonomy and Community, 228Google Scholar; Bennett, , ‘Conviviality and charity’, 28.Google Scholar

26 Clark, E., ‘Debt litigation in a late medieval English vili’, in Raftis, J.A. (ed.), Pathways to Medieval Peasants (Toronto, 1981), 252Google Scholar; Beckerman, J.S., ‘The forty-shilling jurisdictional limit in medieval English personal actions’, in Jenkins, D. (ed.), Legal History Studies (London, 1975), 110–17Google Scholar; Milsom, S.F.C., ‘The sale of goods in the fifteenth century’Google Scholar, rpt. in idem, Studies in the History of the Common Law (London, 1985), 106–8Google Scholar; McIntosh, M.K., ‘Moneylending on the periphery of London, 1300–1600’, Albion, 20 (1988), 557–71.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

27 These data are taken from Merton College, Oxford, MM 6570–6609 (Barkby) and 6406–6433 (Kibworth Harcourt) and Public Record Office SC2/183/76–78 (Kibworth Beauchamp). The proportion of debt litigation seems to have distinguished urban communities from rural, the latter having a higher proportion of pleas of trespass.

28 Clark, , ‘Debt litigation’, 263Google Scholar (Table 8.7). See also Kowaleski, M., The commercial dominance of a late medieval provincial oligarchy: Exeter in the late fourteenth century’Google Scholar, in Holt, and Rosser, , The Medieval Town, 199209Google Scholar, and Britnell, , Colchester, 98108.Google Scholar

29 Clark, , ‘Debt litigation’, 251–2 and 270–1.Google Scholar

30 Cook, , Bygone Loughborough, passimGoogle Scholar; Hilton, , ‘Medieval agrarian history’, 189–91.Google Scholar

31 Compare Britnell, , Colchester, 44Google Scholar, where grain was supplied from vills within a radius of eight miles from the borough.

32 Britnell, , Colchester, 106Google Scholar. The general issue of specialties was mentioned in one case in 1398: ‘et petit iudicium si teneatur respondere sine speciali an non …’ (in a case of debt brought about the dyeing of cloth).

33 For compromised actions in courts of rural and semi-urban manors, Smith, R.M., ‘Kin and neighbors in a thirteenth-century Suffolk community’, Journal of Family History, 4 (1979), 224CrossRefGoogle Scholar (Table 1); Razi, Z., ‘Family, land and the village community in later medieval England’, Past and Present, 93 (1981), 8CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Clark, , ‘Debt litigation’, 252Google Scholar (Table 8.4); McIntosh, , Autonomy and Community, 196–7Google Scholar (Table 11); Bennett, J.M., Women in the Medieval English Countryside. Gender and Household in Brigstock before the Plague (Oxford, 1987), 29 (Table 2.2).Google Scholar

34 Pledging as an indicator of social networks and relationships has mainly been used for rural communities: Smith, R.M., ‘“Modernisation” and the corporate village community in England: some sceptical reflections’, in Baker, A.R.H. and Gregory, D. (eds), Explorations in Historical Geography. Interpretive Essays (Cambridge, 1984), 156–8Google Scholar; idem, ‘Kin and neighbors’, 223–5Google Scholar; DeWindt, E.B., Land and People in Holywell-cum-Needingworth: Structures of Tenure and Patterns of Social Organisation in an East Midlands Village (Toronto, 1972), 242–50Google Scholar; Pimsler, M., ‘Solidarity in the medieval village? The evidence of personal pledging at Elton, Huntingdonshire’, Journal of British Studies, 17 (1977), 111CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bennett, , Women in the Medieval English Countryside, 24–5, 37–8, 154–5, 193–5Google Scholar; Razi, Z., ‘Was the medieval English peasant family small and ego-focussed?’, paper presented at Norwich in 1986, 46, 89Google Scholar; Raftis, J.A., Tenure and Mobility. Studies in the Social History of the Mediaeval English Village (Toronto, 1964), 101–4Google Scholar; Dyer, C., Lords and Peasants in a tstsChanging Society. The Estates of the Bishopric of Worcester 680–1540 (Cambridge, 1980), 267Google Scholar; Olson, S., ‘Jurors of the village court: local leadership before and after the plague in Ellington, Huntingdonshire’, Journal of British Studies, 30 (1991), 237–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Personal pledging may be a less biased indicator in boroughs where there was no seignorial interest in the institution and the relationship may have had a greater element of voluntariness. In small towns, such as Loughborough, the institution may have been informed by lordship. See also Scott, J., Social Network Analysis (London, 1991), 82–3Google Scholar. The data were run through Ucinet IV but are too slight for this sort of manipulation.

35 Bordieu, P., The Logic of Practice, trans. Nice, R. (Oxford, 1992), 123Google Scholar: Britnell, , Colchester, 104–5.Google Scholar

36 Huntington Library, HAM Box 24, folder 2.

37 P.R.O. E179/133/116, mm. 2 and 2d.

38 P.R.O. E179/133/108 (mm. not numbered). For an analysis of urban taxation at this time, Cornwall, J.C.K., Wealth and Society in Early Sixteenth Century England (London, 1988), 5164.Google Scholar

39 For women and work in towns: Goldberg, P.J.P., ‘Women in fifteenth-century town life’, in Thompson, J.A.F. (ed.), Towns and Townspeople in the Fifteenth Century (Gloucester, 1988), 116–18Google Scholar; Hilton, , ‘Women traders in medieval England’, in Class Conflict and the Crisis of Feudalism, 205–15Google Scholar; Kowaleski, M., ‘Women's work in a market town: Exeter in the late fourteenth century’, in Hanawalt, B.A. (ed.), Women and Work in Pre-Industrial Europe (Bloomington, Indiana, 1986), 145–64Google Scholar; Kowaleski, M. and Bennett, J.M., ‘Crafts, gilds, and women in the middle ages: fifty years after Marion K. Dale’, in Bennett, et al. (eds), Sisters and Workers in the Middle Ages (Chicago, 1989), 1138.Google Scholar

40 Clark, , ‘Debt litigation’, 263.Google Scholar

41 This information is drawn from Huntington Library Hastings Box 8 and Public Record Office DL 30/80/1090–1101 (court rolls of Castle Donington, 1457–1564).

42 Tittler, R., ‘For the “Re-edification of Townes”: the rebuilding statutes of Henry VII’, Albion, 22 (1990), 591605CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Phythian-Adams, C., ‘Urban decay in late medieval England’, in Abrams, P. and Wrigley, E.A. (eds), Towns in Societies, Essays in Economic History and Historical Sociology (Cambridge, 1978), 62–3Google Scholar; idem, Desolation of a City, 197–8.Google Scholar