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The Parish Clergy of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries: The Alexander Prize Essay, 1911–12
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 12 February 2009
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Until the thirteenth century records touching the parish clergy are scanty, but thereafter they increase in bulk and, with the fourteenth century, there exist, side by side, a number of literary works which afford more than a passing glance at their lives and deeds. The parish priests and clerks of these centuries were not perhaps typical of the mediaeval period, since no century or centuries will afford a type of any class or institution which will be true for the whole of the Middle Ages; and it is possible that the tenthcentury parish and its people resembled the parish and people of the fourteenth century as little—or as much—as the Elizabethan parish resembled the parish of the present day. The changes that affected so profoundly the organisation of the manor during the course of the Middle Ages did not leave its counterpart, the parish, unaltered; and the same economic forces that helped to make the villein a copyholder and serfdom an anachronism, helped also to raise the chaplain's wages from five to eight marks within thirty years of the Black Death. But although the
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page 89 note 1 The stipend of a perpetual vicar was fixed at a minimum of five marks by the Council of Oxford (1222). This appears also to have been a usual amount for a chaplain to receive just prior to the Black Death, although it was frequently less. Archbishop Islip limited the amount of a chaplain's stipend to six marks immediately after the Black Death, and Archbishop Sudbury to eight marks in 1378. Vide infra, p. 113Google Scholar, and Lyndwood, , Provinciale, 64, 65.Google Scholar
page 90 note 1 The priest in charge of a parish appears to have been given this title. Adam de Orleton sends a warning ‘presbitero parochiali ac omnibus et singulis parochianis ecclesie de Kynardesleye,’ when the benefice is vacant (Reg. A. de Orleton, 366).Google Scholar Alan de Creppynge is allowed to hold the church of Blaisdon at farm, but it is provided ‘quod, quolibet anno dum duraverit dicta firma, j marca per visum Officialis et presbiteri loci parochianis pauperibus erogetur’ (Reg. Th. de Cantilupo, 217).Google Scholar Similarly ‘Ricardo, parochiali presbitero de Chetintone’ is committed the custody of the parish church (ibid. 164).
page 91 note 1 Wilkins, , Concilia, I. 587Google Scholar, ‘Statuimus igitur ut nullus episcoporum ad vicariam quamquam admittat, nisi velit in ecclesia, in qua ei vicaria conceditur, personaliter ministrare, ac talis existat, qui infra breve tempus valeat in presbyterum ordinari’ (Concilium Oxoniense, 1222). See also Lyndwood, , 64.Google Scholar
page 91 note 2 Wilkins, , I. 571Google Scholar, ‘Ut nullus nisi sacerdos admittatur ad aliquam ecclesiam, cujus aestimatio non excedet V. marcas; sed admissus residentiam faciat in eadem ecclesia’ (Constitutiones W. de Bleys, Episcopi Wigorn., 1219).
page 92 note 1 The Vicar of Bicester ‘habebit pro stipendiis suis et capellani sui et clericorum suorum xl solidos annuatim … et ipse et capellanus ejus et clerici sui habebunt victum suum de prioratu ipsis capellanis et clericis competentem’ (Liber Antiquus, 7).Google Scholar In the case of the vicarage of Breedon-on-the-Hill, with the chapels of Worthington and Stanton Harold, ‘vicarius perpetuus habebit nomine vicarie sue sibi et duobus capellanis quos habebit socios, et diacono et duobus clericis suis, sufficientem exhibitionem victus ad mensam canonicorum’ (Rot. Hugonis de Welles, II. 275).Google Scholar Similar provision is made in the case of the vicarages of Hinkley, where there are vicar, chaplain, deacon and clerk, and Owston, where there are vicar and deacon only (ibid.). In the case of Breedon, however, it is provided that ‘canonici … tarn dicto vicario quam capellanis suis mansos competentes extra prioratum assignabunt’; but this is perhaps explained by the fact that the chaplains had to serve the chapels which lay at some distance. The ordinance of the vicarage of St. Martin's, Leicester, shews that a distinction in the matter of food was sometimes made between vicar and deacon: ‘Vicarius … habebit etiam victum suum de abbatta in omnibus sicut canonicus, et diaconus suus ut major serviens de abbatia … Preterea habebit panem ad garcionem suum qui ei serviet’ (Rot. H. de Welles, II. 300).Google Scholar In the case of Humberstone vicarage, vicar and deacon get the same fare: ‘Constitit autem dicta vicaria … in corredio duorum monachorum vicario et diacono suo …’ (Rot. Roberti Grosseteste, 49).Google Scholar A similar provision is to be found in the case of Elsham Vicarage (ibid. 90). In the case of Sylvester, vicar (but not perpetual vicar and in minor orders) of Whitchurch, it is ordered ‘quod omnibus diebus vite sue habeat capellanum secum commorantem, virum honestum et moribus commendabilem, qui sciat et possit parochianis in lingua eis nota, confessiones et alia spiritualia ministrare’ (Rot. H. de Welles, I. 33).Google Scholar It is required of the Rector of Ullingswick ‘quod … capellanum exhibeat’ (Reg. Th. de Cantilupo, 241).Google Scholar There may be compared with these instances the frequent cases of coadjutors to infirm incumbents and those under age: e.g. Reg. Walter Giffard, 4Google Scholar; Reg. R. de Swinfield, 116Google Scholar; Reg. J. de Halton, 113, 135Google Scholar; Reg. J. de Trillek, 37, 110, 111, 178, 233, 236.Google Scholar
page 93 note 1 The Vicar of St. Mary, Huntingdon, ‘habebit clericum et garcionem suum ad mensam prioris cum clericis et garcionibus ejusdem’ (Lib. Ant. 26).Google Scholar The Vicar of All Saints', Nottingham, is to have ‘unura corredium monachale cotidianum in refectorio vel in camera prioris vel alibi ubi voluerit et servions suus similiter unum corredium consimile habebit unius majorum servientum prioratus’ (ibid. 34). The Vicar of Harrold ‘item habebit diaconum et garcionem, quibus Priorissa ejusdem loci tarn in necessariis victus quam in stipendiis providebit’ (Rot. H. de Welles, III. 26Google Scholar; cf. Lib. Ant. 25).Google Scholar ‘Vicarius de Swyneforde erit ad mensam hospitalariorum in eadem villa honorifice, sicut ille qui fratribus hospitalariis ibidem Preceptor preficietur … Clericus autem ipsius habebit ibi exhibitionem suam quoad victum honorifice tanquam unus de fratribus hospitalariis ejusdem domus et x solidos annuos pro stipendiis. Garcio vero, qui lectum suum faciet et palefridum suum custodiet, tanquam unus de garcionibus fratrum ibidem exhibebitur …’ (Rot. H. de Welles, II. 297).Google Scholar The ‘Ordinacio generalis super vicariis de Osen.’ in the Liber Antiquus illustrates the relations between vicar, clerk and ‘garcio’: ‘Canonici vero clericum idoneum ei et ejus obsequio devotum et ecclesie ministerio invenient qui juramentum fidelitatis et devocionis ipsi vicario prestabit salva fide dictorum Canonicorum, qui eciam ipsi vicario similiter garcionem invenient ipsius obsequio deputatum quos in omnibus suis expensis procurabunt. Ubi autem non fuerint canonici residentes, clericus qui ut supradictum est expensis ipsorum procurabitur clavera deferet in domo eorum et curam habebit liberam ut per ipsum vicario sufficienter in victualibus et honorifice necessaria ministrentur’ (Lib. Ant. 1, 2).Google Scholar For other references to garciones see Lib. Ant. 34, 37, 61Google Scholar; Rot. H. de Welles, II. 300Google Scholar (quoted above); Rot. R. Grosseteste, 29Google Scholar; ‘valet’ of rector of David, Norton, Reg. R. de Salopia, 19.Google Scholar
page 93 note 2 The Vicar of Wroxton is to have messuage and buildings ‘que fuerunt Sampsonis juxta ecclesiam versus occidentem’ (Lib. Ant. 7).Google Scholar The vicarage of Great Kimble consists, inter alia, in ‘manso competente eidem vicarie assignato scilicet ex opposite porte cimiterii versus austrum’ ibid. 15); Evenley vicarage, ‘in manso a parva porta ipsorum canonicorum que ducit ad ecclesiam usque ad portam septentrionalem eorundem’ (ibid. 36). The vicar of Houghton Conquest has a mansum ‘ante januam ecclesie’ (Rot. H. de Welles, I. 7)Google Scholar; the vicar of Chalgrave has two crofts and a garden ‘que sunt juxta ecclesiam … et minor crofta cum gardino assignabitur ei pro manso’ (ibid. III. 3; Lib. Ant. 22).Google Scholar The vicars of King's Pyon ‘habeant illam mansionem … de novo constructam, videlicet inter ortum domini Gerardi de Gillesford, militis, ex parte una, et gardinum rectorie ecclesie predicte, ex altera, ex opposite cimiterii ejusdem situatam’ (Reg. R. de Swinfield, 487).Google Scholar The Vicar of St. Peter, Colchester, has ‘mansum competentem in solo cimiterii ecclesie ubi pro habitacione capellani parochialis dicte ecclesie mansio alias construebatur et construitur’ (Reg. Stephani Gravesend, 210).Google ScholarCf. ‘tofto … usque orientalem partem ecclesie’ [of Burton] (Lib. Ant. 49)Google Scholar; ‘tofto, et domo juxta ecclesiam [of Coveuham], quod vocatur Kyrketoft’ (Rot. R. Grosseteste, 125)Google Scholar; ‘mansum competentem juxta ecclesiam’ [of Haxey] (ibid. 146); ‘manso proximiori ecclesie’ [of Stevington] (Rot. H. de Welles, III. 15)Google Scholar; ‘crofto et messuagio juxta cimiterium’ [of Newbottle] (ibid. I. 48). The Abbot and Convent of Gloucester are to provide an acre and a half of ground near the church of Churcham and timber for a vicarage, it being ascertained that the vicar lives at a distance (Reg. Th. de Cantilupo, 237).Google Scholar The vicar of West Harptree is to have a house nearer to the church, and an amending ordinance is made to secure this (Reg. R. of Shrewsbury, 300, 510).Google Scholar
page 94 note 1 Lib. Ant. 17Google Scholar, ‘cum manso competente’ (Medmenham); ibid. 18, ‘cum quodam mesuagio ad mansionem capellani ydoneo’ (Upton); Rot. R. Grosseteste, 146Google Scholar, ‘habebit vicarius mansum competentem’ (Haxey); Reg. S. Gravesend, 210Google Scholar, ‘ad opus vicarii mansum competentem’ (Colchester).
page 94 note 2 Lib. Ant. 2Google Scholar, ‘habebit … mansum ubi capellanus ecclesie solebat habitare’ (St. Giles, Oxford); ibid. 6, ‘manso cum crofta in quo capellanus ejusdem ecclesie manere consuevit’ (Burton Abbots); ibid. 8, ‘cum domibus et edificiis ubi capellanus consuevit habitare’ (Elsfield); ‘domos et curiam in quibus capellanus manere consuevit’ (Headington).
page 94 note 3 Reg. Th. de Cantilupo, 44Google Scholar, ‘vicarius et successores sui habeant domos ecclesie quas solebant habere rectores ibidem pro manso suo’ (Aymestry).
page 94 note 4 Lib. Ant. 9Google Scholar, ‘cum manso olim personis deputato’ (Caversham); ibid. 52, ‘ubi persona antiquitus manere solevit’ (Swinderby).
page 94 note 5 Reg. W. Bronescombe, 178Google Scholar, ‘domum in qua presbiteri inhabitare consueverant’ (St. Sithney): cf. ibid. 39, ‘manso quern vicarius inhabitat’ (Buckland Brewer).
page 95 note 1 Lib. Ant. 53 (Scopwick).Google Scholar
page 95 note 2 Rot. H. de Welles, II. 40Google Scholar, ‘manso idoneo inter pomerium Prioris et vivarium dominorum de Koges.’
page 95 note 3 Lib. Ant. 69Google Scholar, ‘manso qui jacet inter Robertum de Rowell decanum et Walterum. Poly’ (Messingham).
page 95 note 4 Reg. R. de Swinfield, 487Google Scholar (quoted above).
page 95 note 5 Lib. Ant. 2Google Scholar, ‘domo quam Thomas senex tenuit’ (Great Barton).
page 95 note 6 Ibid. 36, ‘manso quern Robertus de Acrinton tenuit’ (Marston).
page 95 note 7 Rot. H. de Welles, I. 77Google Scholar, ‘mesuagio cum gardino quod magister Guarinus tenuit’ (Turvey: this is a mediety).
page 95 note 8 Rot. H. de Welles, I. 53Google Scholar, ‘manso in quo manet Osbertus Sire’ (Cas-sington).
page 95 note 9 Lib. Ant. 7, ‘messuagio et edificiis que fuerunt Sampsonis’ (Wroxton).Google Scholar
page 95 note 10 Rot. H. de Welles, I. 207Google Scholar, ‘mansum juxta ecclesiam qui fuit Rogeri Marchant.’
page 95 note 11 Lib. Ant. 16Google Scholar, ‘manso cum domibus Willielmi quondam capellani’ (Heddenham): cf. ibid. 6, ‘manso qui fuit W. quondam ejusdem loci vicarii et decani’ (Shipton).
page 95 note 12 Ibid. 49, ‘tofto quod fuit Thoraldi parmentarii’ (Burton).
page 95 note 13 Reg. W. Bronescombe, 171Google Scholar, ‘domo quam Walterus Prepositus inhabitare consuevit’ (St. Enoder).
page 96 note 1 Rot. R. Grosseteste, 99 (1247–8)Google Scholar, ‘Que quidem vicaria consistit in toto altaragio, cum domo et coquina et parvo pratello … sicut salicibus et muro lapideo cingebantur….’
page 96 note 2 Reg. A. de Orleton, 203 (1321)Google Scholar, ‘reservata eisdem religiosis pro suis necessitatibus camera principaliori mansi in quo Rectores dicte ecclesie habitare consueverant, cum subjecto eidem camere celarlo et quadam domo sibi propinqua prope ortum inferiorem situata, et grangia seu horreo meliori, ac predicto orto inferiori, qui de prefata camera eis reservata versus pontem inferiorem se extendit, totum residuum mansum, cum aula, et ceteris edificiis, ac orto pomifero superiori, qui se extendit versus pontem superiorem cum adjacente sibi curtilagio seu herbario ad habitacionem ibidem servituri vicarii deputavit.’
page 96 note 3 Reg. J. de Trillek, 243 (1354)Google Scholar, ‘vicarius … habeat pro habitacione sua aulam, cameras, et cetera edificia in manso rectorie dicte ecclesie constituta cum gardino eisdem contiguo ex parte boreali vie communis ibidem, grangia, area, gardino et crofto diete ecclesie ex parte australi ejusdem vie nobis reservatis.’
page 96 note 4 Reg. R. of Shrewsbury, 510 (1344).Google Scholar The ordinance which was amended was made in 1336 (ibid. 300): ‘vicarius … habeat omnes domus rectorie … cum columbari, curtillagio et gardino adjacentibus, exceptis et reservatis … grangiis, boveriis, stabulis … Habeat insuper dictus vicarius domos pro capellano parochiali dicte ecclesie solitas deputari.’
page 97 note 1 Nicholas, ‘A chambre hadde … in that hostelrye’Google Scholar (1. 3203). The carpenter and his wife presumably had another (11. 3650 seq.). There was a garden and also a stable attached to the house (11. 3571–2):
‘… up-on the gable,
Unto the gardin-ward, over the stable.’
Nicholas' chamber was in the second storey, and could therefore be termed a solar (cf. 11. 3431 seq.):
‘“Go up,” quod he un-to his knave anoon,
“Clepe at his dore, or knokke with a stoon,
Loke how it is, and tel me boldely.”’
As to the meaning of solar, see Skeat, 's Chaucer, V. 120.Google Scholar
page 97 note 2 Cf. Lyndwood, , 67–68Google Scholar (note to ‘Hospitales’), 132 (note to ‘Hospitalitatis’). Myrc, Instructions for Parish Priests, 11. 51–52:Google Scholar ‘Of mete and drynke pow moste be fre, To pore and ryche by thy degre.’
page 97 note 3 Besides the references quoted above the following may be cited: Select Pleas of the Forest, 19, 35Google Scholar (men of the parsons of Easton and Irchester —1255); Select Pleas in Manorial Courts, 82Google Scholar (servant of the rector of Little Stukely—1294); Leet Jurisdiction in the City of Norwich, IIGoogle Scholar (servant of the parson of Pulham—1287–8); Cal. Pat. Rolls, Edw. III, Vol. VIII. 319Google Scholar (Clerc, John, ‘Vikerservant de Wrangill’—1349); Halmota Prioratus Dunelmensis, 27Google Scholar (William the Chaplain's maid—1361).
page 97 note 4 The early episcopal records of Lincoln frequently mention the vicar's horse. Lib. Ant. 7Google Scholar, ‘Eciam habebit fenum et prebendara ad equum unum de prioratu’ (Bicester); ibid. 35, ‘Canonici autem invenient ei palefridum ad sinodum ad capitula et ad infirmos cum fuerit necesse’ (Ashby); Rot. H. de Welles, II. 275Google Scholar, ‘Habebit etiam foragium ad palefridum suum et prebendam cum ierit ad sinodum et capitula’ (Breedon); ibid. 297, ‘et habebit palefridum suum ad fenum, forragium et avenam’ (Swinford); Rot. R. Grosseteste, 29Google Scholar ‘habebit etiam dictus vicarius equum suum ad prebendam et foragium dicte domus’ (Bourne); ibid. 49, ‘erit etiam palefridus dicti vicarii ad foragium et prebendam dictorum Abbatis et conventus cum ad capitulum vel negotia eorum proficiscatur’ (Humberstone).
page 97 note 5 de Bury, Richard, Philobiblon, 31, 176Google Scholar: and see other references cited below.
page 98 note 1 ‘Focaria,’ of course, was another common term: cf. Wilkins, , I. 573Google Scholar, ‘De focaras amovendis.’
page 98 note 2 Lea, H. C., History of Sacerdotal Celibacy, I. 328–359.Google Scholar See also Appendix I. to this paper, in which are collected a number of references more particularly concerning the parish clergy.
page 98 note 3 Handlyng Synne, 11.Google Scholar 7981 seq.: the date of the poem is 1303.
page 99 note 1 Philobiblon, 31, 32Google Scholar, (or translated) 176, 177.
page 99 note 2 ‘The Reves Tale’: Canterbury Tales, A., 11. 3942–3986:
‘A wyf he hadde, y-comen of noble kin;
The person of the toun hir fader was.
With hir he yaf ful many a panne of bras,
For that Simkin sholde in his blood allye.
A doghter hadde they bitwixe hem two
The person of the toun, for she was feir,
In purpos was to maken hir his heir
Bothe of his catel and his messuage,
And straunge he made it of hir mariage.
His purpos was for to bistowe hir hye
In-to som worthy blood of auncetrye;
For holy churches good moot been despended
On holy chirches blood, that is descended,
Therfore he wolde his holy blood honoure,
Though that he holy chirche sholde devoure,’
page 100 note 1 Of 134 instances in the Liber Antiquus, in fifty the vicar's income is under five marks, in sixty-three from five to six marks, in twenty-one over six marks. The incomes range from three marks to £11 1s. 6d. and over in the case of St. John the Baptist, Peterborough (Lib. Ant. 31).Google Scholar Practically every page of the Taxatio will afford a similar contrast. For instance in the deanery of Middlesex (pp. 17, 18) there were forty-five churches (excluding three appropriated churches, one worth four, and two, three marks) varying in value between six and seventy marks: seven were worth fifty marks or over, six, thirty marks or over, twelve, twenty marks or over; twenty were worth less than twenty marks, and of these twelve were less than ten marks. There were besides twelve vicarages varying between six and a half and twelve marks.
page 100 note 2 E.g. Lib. Ant. 1, 2Google Scholar, ‘Ordinacio generalis super vicariis de Osen' … Vicarius … habebit nomine perpetue vicarie sue ad vestitura suum duas marcas per annum: habebit etiam secundum legatum ad valenciam sex denariorum et quod ultra sex denarios fuerit inter ipsum et canonicos dimidiabitur. Habebit eciam de oblacionibus ad altare provenientibus unum denarium missalem quocies celebraverit et denarius provenerit et quicquid ex devocioni fidelium ei racionabiliter fuerit collatura. Item habebit sufficientem exhibicionem sicut canonici quoad victualia in mensa canonicorum….’ Cf. Rot. H. de Welles, III. 25Google Scholar, quoted below.
page 100 note 3 E.g. Rot. R. Grosseteste, 113Google Scholar, ‘Consistit autem dicta vicaria in exhibitione capellani, qui debet accipere panem monichalem et cervisiam, cum generali de coquina, et ad palefridum necessaria in avena et foragio, et in decimis operariorum et omnium mercatorum ville Spalding, cum legatis capellano debitis et visitationibus infirmorum, cura denariis missalibus, et denariis cum pane benedicto oblatis, et caseis ad Pentecosten, et gallinis ad Natale ecclesie debitis.’ The Vicar of St. John the. Baptist, Peterborough, gets ‘tertia pars decimarum mercatorum,’ which together with ‘tertia pars oblacionum in quibus sacrista non participiat’ is worth four marks a year (Lib. Ant. 31).Google Scholar At Wycombe ‘tota decima caidorum qui ad officium fullonum pertinent tam infra Burgum quam extra’ is important enough to be mentioned but is apparently reserved to the appropriators (ibid. 17). The Vicar of Awre gets ‘omnes decimas minores, exceptis decimis mercatorum mare transeuncium’ (Reg. J. de Trillek, 243).Google Scholar The Vicar of Uttoxeter is to take amongst other dues, ‘decimas quadragesimales ut de … lucro mercatorum … et decimas operariorum’: Reg. R. de Norbury, 257.Google Scholar On a composition between the Abbot and Convent of Keynsham and the vicar of the parish to the latter are allotted ‘all tithes of merchandise and handicrafts’ (Reg. H. Bowett, 46).Google Scholar
page 101 note 1 Dives and Pauper, Seventh Commandment, Chapter XIII. (edition 1536, f. 257 recto)Google Scholar: the list continues ‘of fysshynge, of fermes, of mylles, of bathes, of fyllynge places, of mynes of syluer and other metall, of quarreys of stone, of marchandyse, of crafte, and of other goodes, and also of tyme.’ As to the date of the book see the present writer's article in Notes and Queries, 11 S. IV. 321.Google Scholar
The following examples are fairly typical of the provision made for a vicar's income. Lib. Ant. 5Google Scholar, ‘… in toto altaragio et in dimidia virgata terre cum prato ad dictam ecclesiam pertinente et in manso cum crofta in quo capellanus ejusdem ecclesie manere consuevit et in decimis feni de toto villenagio et in decimis molendinorum et unius virgate terre quam dicti canonici de terra ejusdem ecclesie tenent’ (Burton Abbots). Rot. R. Grosseteste, 146Google Scholar, ‘…. in toto altaragio et in sex marcis decimarum majorum, assignatarum in locis certis subscriptas: Item in duabus bovatis terre cum pertinentiis qua Willelmus de Avalon tenuit; et habebit vicarius mansum competentem …’(Haxey). Reg. R. Baldock, 99Google Scholar, ‘… vicarius, … mansum habeat … et percipiat decimas ortorum et curtilagiorum et omnimodas decimas preter decimas garbarum feni et molendini ad ventum. Item, quod habeat omnimodas oblaciones, obvenciones et legata quecumque ipsi ecclesie vel ejus intuitu relicta ac cetera que cum corporibus mortuorum delate de jure vel consuetudine debeantur ecclesie ac omnia alia que ad altaragium noscuntur pertinere. Et preter hec ordinamus quod idem vicarius singulis annis habeat et percipiat a vobis abbate et conventu in festis sancti Michaelis et Pasche per equales porciones quinque marcas legalium sterlingorum de predictis decimis garbarum sibi per vos debite exsolvendas in augmentum porcionis supradicte …’ (East Ham). Rot. H. de Welles, III. 25Google Scholar, ‘Vicarius habebit nomine vicarie sue victum suum honorifice ad mensam Priorisse, et duas marcas annuas ad vestitura, et oblationes suas in majoribus solempnitatibus, sicut continetur in consimilibus vicariis. Habebit etiam fenum ad palefridum suum, et, cum ierit in utilitates domus et ad sinodum et capitula, prebendam. Itera habebit mansum competentem in prioratu vel extra, prout Episcopo visum fuerit; ubi, cum necesse fuerit, parrochiani sui ad ipsum libere possint accedere …’ (Harrold).
page 102 note 1 Possibly in the Exeter diocese the glebe may in some cases have consisted entirely of closes. The Vicarage of St. Sithney, for example, is endowed with ‘duabus campis sitis inter campum Stulti, presbiteri, et regiam viam’ (Reg. W. Bronescombe, 178).Google Scholar Similarly the lands of the vicarage of Staverton are set out as ‘unum pratum vocatum Pollismeede et le Moore; unum clausum vocatum le Lee, continens per estimacionem quatuor terre acras; et unum clausum vocatum Maglond, continens per estimacionem quatuor terre acras’ (ibid. 262). In the Exeter diocese the agricultural conditions were, however, probably abnormal.
page 102 note 2 The Runton title apportionment is dated the 12th June, 1841. The details relating to the rectorial glebe of Runton are as follows:—
The details relating to the rectorial glebe of Beeston Regis are as follows:
page 103 note 1 The apportionment for the township of Sutton is dated the 28th August, 1848. The details relating to the rectorial glebe are as follows:—
The apportionment for the parish of Castor and Ailsworth (dated the 30th September, 1847) illustrates the same features of mediaeval survivals as the apportionments of Runton and Sutton, but on a larger scale. The rectorial glebe is 156a. 1r. 21p. in extent and is composed of 7 closes with a total area of about 34 acres and 161 strips of which 131 are described as arable, 24 as pasture and 6 as arable and pasture. Of these 43 are approximately ¼ acre in extent, 44 approximately ½ acre, 34 approximately ¾ acre, 37 approximately one acre: the remaining three are 2, 2¾ and 5 acres respectively. The strips are scattered over Wood Field (16), Nether Field (6), Nomangate Field (6), East Holms Field (6), Cale Meadow (10), Mill Field (33), Thorn Field (34) and Milton Field (50).
See also the apportionments for Hildersham, Cambs., September 24, 1840 (rectorial glebe), Shinfield, Berks., December 31, 1841 (vicarial and appropriate glebe), Portland, Dorset, September 30, 1842 (rectorial glebe), Upton St. Leonard's, Gloucester, December 31, 1842 (appropriate glebe), Steventon, Berks., 11 March, 1844 (appropriate glebe), which all shew glebe lying in strips in the common fields.
page 104 note 1 E.g. Rot. H. de Welles, I. 2 (Westone).Google Scholar
page 104 note 2 Ibid. III. 47, ‘tota libera terra ad dictam ecclesiam pertinente’ (Flamstead).
page 104 note 3 Ibid. I. 154, ‘tota terra dominica’ (Careby).
page 104 note 4 Reg. W. Bronescombe, 104Google Scholar, ‘terra Sanctuarii’ (Hennock). Ibid. 171, ‘cum Sanctuario, excepto homagio’ (St. Feock).
page 104 note 5 ‘Dimidia hida terre’: Lib. Ant. 2 and 82Google Scholar (Great Barton); ibid. 8 (Stoke Lyne); Rot. H. de Welles, I. 183Google Scholar (North Aston); ibid. II. 2 (Pyrton).
page 104 note 6 Three virgates: Lib. Ant. 35Google Scholar (Patishall); Rot. R. Grosseteste, 217Google Scholar (Wardley); Reg. R. Shrewsbury, 280Google Scholar (Henton). Two virgates and a half: Lib. Ant. 3Google Scholar (Duns Tew). Two virgates: ibid. 3 (Cassington); ibid. 7 (Wroxton); ibid. 13 (Stantonbury); Rot. H. de Welles, I. 36Google Scholar (Thornton), 203 (Wilbarston); Rot. R. Grosseteste, 199Google Scholar (Whitfield). One virgate and a half: Lib. Ant. 89Google Scholar (Stokes); Reg. R. Shrewsbury, 720Google Scholar (East Cammell). One virgate: Lib. Ant. 6Google Scholar (Shipton); ibid. 16 (Heddenham); ibid. 24 (Stagsden); ibid. 33 (Ashby; Hardingstone); ibid. 36 (Marston); Rot. H. de Welles, I. 4Google Scholar (Tingrith); ibid. III. 19 (Salford); Reg. R. de Swinfield, 458Google Scholar (Bold). Half virgate: Lib. Ant. 5Google Scholar (Burton); ibid. 13 (Bradwell); ibid. 18 (Upton); ibid. 32 (Wellingborough); Rot. H. de Welles, II. 2 (Pyrton)Google Scholar; ibid. II. 40 (Coggs).
page 104 note 7 Bovates: four, Rot. H. de Welles, I. 150Google Scholar (Barnetby); three and a half, Lib. Ant. 65Google Scholar (Cabourn); three, ibid. 92 (Cameringham); two, ibid. 54 (Leasingham), 69 (Messingham); Rot. R. Grosseleste, 146Google Scholar (Haxey); Reg. R. de Norbury, 267Google Scholar; one, Lib. Ant. 56 (Dirrington).Google Scholar
page 105 note 1 Acres: sixty, Reg. A. de Orleton, 203Google Scholar (Avenbury); twenty-three, Lib. Ant. 31Google Scholar (Peterborough); twenty, Reg. W. Bronescombe, 35Google Scholar (Brampford Speke); twelve, ibid. 40 (Buckland Brewer), Lib. Ant. 36Google Scholar (Evenley); ten, ibid. 12 (Brickhill); nine and a half, Reg. R. Shrewsbury, 341Google Scholar (Northover); seven, Lib. Ant. 18Google Scholar (Stoke Pogis); six, ibid. 56 (Canwick), 3 (North Aston); five, Rot. R. Grosseteste, 181Google Scholar (King's Cliffe), Reg. R. Shrewsbury, 510Google Scholar (West Harptree); four and a half, Rot. H. de Welles, II. 21Google Scholar (Sandford); four, Lib. Ant. 49Google Scholar (Burton); three, Reg. R. de Swinfield, 492Google Scholar (Lyonshall). Cf. A Suffolk Hundred in the Year 1283Google Scholar, which contains a Return as to Land Tenure in the Hundred of Blackbourne made in 1280 (see p. 2). The endowments of the churches are stated and are as follows:—eighty acres, p. 19 (Stowe Langetot); sixty, p. 37 (Trostone); fifty, p. 27 (Hoptone); forty, p. 43 (Hunegheton); thirtysix, p. 6 (Langham); thirty, p. 22 (Hildircle), 26 (Rikynghale), 34 (Coleforde), 65 (Westowe); twentynine, p. 43 (Wridewell); twenty-six, p. 25 (Conegestone); twelve, p. 22 (Elmeswelle); ten, p. 36 (Ingham), 48 (Stanton).
page 105 note 2 Rot. R. Grosseteste, 40Google Scholar, ‘quinque sellionibus terre in Hundeleby’; ibid. 125, ‘uno sellione jacente ad Thoresholm’ (Covenham); Reg. R. de Swinfield, 391Google Scholar, ‘tres selliones apud Sceldregge.’ Rot. H. de Welles, I. 47Google Scholar, ‘terra que vocatur Buttas inter Bilawella et Guldiche’ (Haseley); 36, ‘cum illo mesuagio quod Gilebertus quondam tenuit cum crofto adjacente quod continet XI selliones et V buttos …’ (Thornton).
page 105 note 3 Rot. H. de Welles, II. 40Google Scholar, ‘cujus dimidie virgate quinque acre jacent ad crucem versus domum Roberti de Rothomago, et due acre et dimidia ad viam juxta croftum Henrici Pincun, et due acre et dimidia juxta croftum Rogeri le Noreis, et due acre prati in Grimesmede inter molendinum de Koges et pratum le Flemeng.’…
page 106 note 1 Reg. R. de Swinfield, 391Google Scholar, ‘Item idem vicarius habebit terram de la Pyrie cum omnibus pertinencias que ad octo solidos estimatur. Item habebit tres acras de Doriebruggesfeld que ad novem denarios similiter estimantur. Item habebit tres acras in campo de Sakhulle que ad novem denarios similiter estimantur. Item habebit tres acras cum dimidia in campo de Grethulle que ad novem denarios similiter estimantur. Item habebit quoddam pratum jacens juxta iter de feodo Hugonis Bleys quod ad duodecim denarios estimatur. Item habebit tres acras apud Coumbe extendentes se ad pratum Johannis de Bleys que ad septem denarios et obolum estimantur. Item habebit unam acram super Coumbe extendentem se versus collem que ad duos denarios et obolum estimatur. Item habebit unam acram apud Wessbroke que ad duos denarios et obolum similiter estimatur. Item habebit unam acram que vocatur Stapilacre que ad duos denarios et obolum estimatur. Item habebit tres selliones apud Sceldregge qui ad duos denarios et obolum estimantur. Item habebit quatuor acras extendentes versus iter regium que ad decem denarios et obolum estimantur. Item habebit medietatem campi de Reddinge versus North se extendentes cum pertinenciis que ad duodecim denarios estimatur.’
page 106 note 2 Rot. H. de Welles, III. 15Google Scholar, ‘unam acram prati juxta fontem in uno loco, et alibi dimidiam que dicitur le holm. Item habebit unam acram terre que vocatur aera Sancti Nichelai, et tres rodas in campis juxta eandem acram.’ Cf. Lib. Ant. 18Google Scholar, ‘septem acris de terra ecclesie de quibus tres jacent juxta stagnum domini ubi capellani habitare solebant et due in Wurde et due in Apelton. Consistit edam in tota canonicorum terra cum pertinenciis suis que jacet inter dominicum domini versus aquilonem et moram …’ (Stoke Pogis). Ibid. 3, ‘sex acris terre jacentibus juxta Caldewell in campo orientali’ (North Aston). Reg. P. Quivil, 339Google Scholar, ‘tota illa terra de Sanctuario … que jacet extra clausura ex parte Australi supradicte Ecclesie, inter terras Abbatis et Conventus de Dunkewille.’
page 106 note 3 E.g. Lib. Ant. 9Google Scholar (Shiplake; Goring), ‘una acra in uno campo et alia in alio campo.’ Ibid. 13 (Caversfield), 15 (Great Kimble), ‘duabus acris terre una scilicet in uno campo et alia in alio.’ Ibid. 12 (Woolston), ‘una aera terre in utroque campo apud Woleston.’ Sometimes the vicar had only one acre: e.g. Rot. H. de Welles, I. 181Google Scholar, ‘una acra terre arabilis’ (Elsfield).
page 107 note 1 Lib. Ant. 50Google Scholar, ‘quinque acris prati spectantibus ad eandem ecclesiam in pratis de Otoft’ (Calceby); Rot. H. de Welles, I. 74Google Scholar, ‘quatuor acras prati in prato de Brantona’ (Godmanchester); ibid. II. 40 (Coggs— quoted above); ibid. III. 15 (Stevington—quoted above); Rot. R. Grosseteste, 125Google Scholar, ‘quatuor acris prati et dimidia, quarum tres jacent in pratis de Germiredesthorp et in Honedayles, et una acra et dimidia jacente in Cunninghenges in parochia de Fulestowa, et est totum pratum quolibet anno falcandum’ (Covenham). There appears to be a direct reference to the custom of distributing shares, in the meadow by lot in Lib. Ant. 17Google Scholar, ‘dimidia acra prati in Cherlemed, secundum fors singulis annis eandem contulerit’ (Medmenham). A reference to a share in common meadows is possibly hidden under such phrases as ‘duabus virgatis terre cum prato adjacente’ (Lib. Ant. 3—Cassington), which are frequently to be found: cf. Rot. R. Grosseteste, 217 (Wardley)Google Scholar, Reg. R. de Swinfield, 458Google Scholar (Bold), Reg. J. de Trillek, 243Google Scholar (Awre). Such quantities as ‘una acra prati’ (Lib. Ant. 12—Little Brickhill) can hardly have been elsewhere than in the common meadow. Cf. Suffolk Hundred, 19Google Scholar, ‘iij rodis prati’ (Stowe Langetot), 26, ‘una acra prati’ (Rikynghale), Reg. R. Shrewsbury, 341Google Scholar, ‘two acres of meadow for one year, and another year two acres of meadow, except a fourth’ (Northover).
page 107 note 2 Rot. R. Grosseteste, 136Google Scholar, ‘pratum quod jacet juxta toftum Hellewise vidue’ (Risby), 99, ‘parvo pratello’ (Louth). Reg. R. de Swinfield, 391Google Scholar (Stoke Bliss—quoted above), 492, ‘illa pastura que vocatur Personescroft’ (Lyonshall).
page 107 note 3 Lib. Ant. 14Google Scholar, ‘habebit autem vicarius quatuor vaccas et xxiiijor oves in pastura canonicorum’ (Worminghall), 33, ‘habebit communam pasture quanta pertinet ad unam virgatam terre’ (Preston). Reg. R. Baldock, 91Google Scholar, ‘habeat et possideat omnimodas terras, prata, pascua et pasturas spectantes ad dictam ecclesiam de Yllinges una cum quarta parte bosci ecclesie ejusdem’ (Ealing). Reg. J. de Trillek, 243Google Scholar, ‘omnibus pratis et pasturis tarn inter clausum quam extra ad ecclesiam pertinentibus’ (Awre). Cf. case reported in Reg. R. de Swinfield, 290Google Scholarseq.: Galfridus, persona ecclesie de Wetenovere, and others, claim rights of common over the bishop's lands at Easthampton: in the course of the action Galfridus relinquishes his claim (ibid. 293).
page 108 note 1 Lib. Ant. 66Google Scholar, ‘cum pratis pascuis et pasturis et turbariis’ (Alford), 87, ‘libertatibus suis in pratis pascuis pasturis et turbaras’ (Billingborough). Rot. H. de Welles, II. 2Google Scholar, ‘cum … husbote et heibote in bosco eorum, et in omnibus libertatibus communibus’ (Pyrton).
page 108 note 2 Lib. Ant. 3Google Scholar, ‘cum domibus, orto et pomario … ad ecclesiam pertinentibus’ (Cassington). Rot. H. de Welles, I. 61Google Scholar, ‘quodam tofto cum orto et pomario ipsi tofto adjacentibus’ (Bassingham). Rot. R. Grosseteste, 197Google Scholar ‘quadam parte tofti de illa, scilicet, que vocatur oriens pomerium.’ Reg. A. de Orleton, 203Google Scholar, ‘orto pomifero superiori … cum adjacente sibi curtilagio seu herbario’ (Avenbury).
page 108 note 3 Lib. Ant. 3Google Scholar, ‘quatuor cotariis reddentibus quatuor solidis’ (Coggs); 33, ‘terram ecclesie in dominico et serviciis que valent per annum ad minus sedecim solidos’ (Brayfield). Rot. H. de Welles, I. 99Google Scholar, ‘cum terra spectante ad capellam de Cassinthorpa, et in viginti et octo solidis quos vicarius singulis annis percipiet de redditu assise in eadem villa’ (Barrowby); 137, ‘in redditu quatuor solidorum de terra ipsius ecclesie’ (Evington); 148, ‘redditu trium et triginta solidorum et quatuor denariorum, quern homines tenentes terram ecclesie solvunt annuatim ipsi ecclesie’ (Kirtlington); III. 47, ‘tota libera terra ad dictam ecclesiam pertinente( cum manso quem precedens vicarius habuit; salvis persone ejusdem ecclesie terris et redditibus hominum de eadem ecclesia tenentium’ (Flamstead). Rot. R. Grosseteste, 195Google Scholar, ‘tribus marcis annui redditus provenientibus de hominibus persone in eadem villa percipiendis per manum ipsius rectoris vel ejus certi procuratoris terminis statutis’ (Chipping Warden). Reg. R. de Swinfield, 134Google Scholar, ‘duos solidos et quatuor denarios de redditu assise per annum quem debet Willelmus de Ponte de Cliftone pro terra quam tenet de ecclesia de Cliftone’ (Clifton). Reg. P. Quivil, 339Google Scholar, ‘toto redditu assise tarn cotteriorum quam aliorum de Sanctuario … terram tenencium.’ Suffolk Hundred, 26Google Scholar, ‘xxx acris terre i acra prati v solidis annualis redditus quas Rector …. tenet.’ The term ‘tota libera terra’ in the case of Flamstead is probably explained by the following extract from the ordinance of the vicarage of Cabourn, Lib. Ant. 65Google Scholar, ‘in tribus bovatis terre et dimidia ex una parte ville et tribus bovatis et dimidia ex alia cum omnibus earum pertmenciis liberis ab omni seculari exactione….’ As to services see Rot. H. de Welles, I. 47Google Scholar, ‘terra quam Rogerus vis [sic] de Leu tenuit de Roberto persona de Heseleya, et in terris quas Walterus Wuderover et Hugo filius Serlonis et Osbertus carpentarius et Agnes cancellaria tenuerunt de eodem Roberto … cum pertinentiis et serviciis ad dictas terras spectantibus’ (Haseley); 77, ‘tenemento Willelmi Monachi et Thurberni et Hugonis Sutoris cum servitiis eorundem’ (Turvey: mediety). Cf. ibid. 95, ‘terra quam Ricardus Maufrais tenuit de W., quondam persona diete ecclesie’ (Stoke: mediety). Suffolk Hundred, 36Google Scholar, ‘Abbas Sancti Edmundi habet aduocacionem ecclesie de Ingham que dotatur i acra terre arabilis, item de ix acris terre arabilis quam villani diete ecclesie tenent cum suis messuagiis.’
page 109 note 1 Suffolk Hundred, 6Google Scholar, ‘Abbas de Sancto Edmundo est aduocatus ecclesie de Langham que dotata est xxxvj acris terre quas Rector ecclesie Nicholaus de Becklis tenet’; 19, ‘Aduocatio ecclesie de Stowe Langetot pertinet ad Reginaldum Pecche que dotatur iiiixx acris terre arabilis iij rodis prati quas Rector ecclesie Thomas de Pakenham tenet in manu sua’; see also ibid. 22, 25, 26, 27. Reg. R. de Swinfield, 134Google Scholar, ‘item terram quam Alexander, capellanus, tenuit in parochia capelle de parva Stanford’ (Clifton).
page 109 note 2 Rot. H. de Welles, I. 214Google Scholar, ‘decima octo bovatarum terre, de quibus Walterus de Marisco tenet quatuor, Hugo presbiter unam …’ (Cotes). Reg. W. Bronescombe, 22Google Scholar: the rector of St. Columb Major leases from the bishop ‘totam terram nostram de Arwennech, cum omnibus pertinenciis, ad tenninum vite sue, et communem pasturam in wasto nostro’: the rent is 30s. and the rector is to do suit at the Bishop's court at Penryn. Ibid. 178, ‘campum Stulti presbiteri’ (St. Sithney). Reg. Th. de Cantilupo, 170Google Scholar, ‘totam terram quam Rogerus de Mimede, capellanus, tenuit … in manerio nostro de Lydebury North.’ See ibid. 44, from which it appears that the minor clergy too hold land, in this case, apparently, part of the glebe: ‘Item ordinamus quod vicarius et successores sui habeant pratum … dictis domibus annexum; et pratum diaconi sive campanarii suo prato annexum cum certis terris arabilibus nuper in manibus diaconi sive campanarii, quod pratum et terre fuerunt pratum et terre diaconi sive campanarii.’ Suffolk Hundred, 18Google Scholar, ‘Radulphus Capellanus tenet … 1 messuagium iij rodas terre per seruicium ij d….’; 27, ‘Johannes Capellanus de Prate tenet i messuagium xvj acras terre arabilis videlicet messuagium predictum de Matheo de Louayne per servicium iiij d. et xvj acras terre prediate de Hugone de Cressyngham per seruicium v. s….’: cf. ibid. 34, 40, 51, 57, 62, 63. Select Pleas of the Forest, xlixGoogle Scholar, ‘Johannes Wardu et Willelmus Wardu, vicarius ecclesie de Bodyham, ocupauerunt quamdam porcionem terre de solo domini regis vocatam Calkeleghes in Leyefeld' continentem per estimacionem triginta acras terre.’ Select Pleas in Manorial Courts, 125Google Scholar, ‘Mortuo Willelmo filio Bartholomei le Carpenter de Kinges Ripton' capellano qui tenuit in eadem villa per descensum hereditatis secundum consuetudinem manerii iij. acras terre …’; 126, ‘Rogerus … venit et petit in curia … illas vj. acras terre jacentes in campis de Kinges Ripton' quas quidem terras Willelmus filius Bartholomei le Carpenter capellanus modo mortuus perquisivit et eas de domino tenuit secundum consuetudinem manerii …’ (in 1301), Court Baron, 138Google Scholar, ‘Robertus le Cartere queritur de … Thoma Thame capellano [and others] de placito quare deforciant ei quandam peciam prati (continentem j. rodam prout jacet) jacentem adcapud terre sue quam adquisivit de Ajbino Anke’ (1324). Halmota Prioratus Dunelm. 106Google Scholar, ‘Adam del Vikers cepit medietatem terrarum et tenementorum villae de Suth-Pyttyngton nuper in tenura Johannis de Moreslawe: … et faciet in omnibus aliis sicut Willelmus Bati vicarius facit qui cepit alteram medietatem secundum quod continentur in indentura ipsius vicarii’ (1371). See ibid. 132, 180, 183, for other similar transactions to which other vicars are parties.
page 110 note 1 Rot. Parl. I. 231Google Scholar (Robert, Rector of Holy Trinity), 236 (Roger, Rector of St. Rumwald: John, Vicar of Coggeshall), 237 (William Fraunk, Vicar); these are from the Colchester assessment of 1296. Ibid. 256 (Rector of St. Peter), 258 (Robert de Porta, Chaplain), 259 (Rector of St. Rumwald), 261 (Rector of Tendryng); these are from the assessment of 1301. The Sussex Subsidy Rolls of 1296, 1327 and 1332 are similar in their inclusion of a considerable proportion of parish clergy: e.g. Three Earliest Subsidies for the County of Sussex, 27, 38, 68, 62, 85, 221, 328Google Scholar, (chaplains), 54, 59, 60, 65, 69, 71, 76, 85, 89, 165, 166, 168, 179, 190, 197, 241 (Rectors, Parsons and Vicars). See also Appendix to Suffolk Hundred in which Chaplains are mentioned under Berdewell, Berningham, Culeford, Hepporthe, Hoppetun, Ixcewrth, Livermere Parva, Stanton, Stowlangetot, Thorpe, Trostun and Westue. Lay subsidies only affected the clergy in so far as they possessed moveables which ‘ne seient mie annex a leur Eglises’ (Rot. Parl. I. 239)Google Scholar, and it appears from the Colchester and Suffolk assessments that the moveables taxed were grain of various kinds, stock farm animals and carts. Augmentation of benefices since 1291 may explain some instances of the inclusion of rectors and vicars in lay assessments. Cf. Willard, , 219.Google Scholar
page 111 note 1 E.g. Halmota Prioratus Dunelm. 150Google Scholar, ‘Dies datus est Joh. de Heswell ad faciend. legem suam cum vj manu ad prox. cur., quod non debet Joh. de Galleway capellano xvj s. vj d. pro blad. quos ei solvisse debuit per ij an. elapsos ad damp, ipsius Joh. vj s. viij d.' (1378). Select Pleas in Manorial Courts, 173Google Scholar, ‘Dominus Willelmus Capellanus vad’ legem quod non deffamavit Henricum clavigerum domini imponendo ei crimina diversa. Et habet diem in proxima curia per sum' vjta manu capellanomm et clericorum' (1296). Cf. Court Baron, 105Google Scholar: Halmota Prioratus Dunelm. 2, 184.Google Scholar
page 111 note 2 Ibid. 23, ‘Henrico Drwet capellano pro defecto sectae cur'.…’
page 111 note 3 Ibid. 132, ‘Pleg. de firma et omnibus aliis … vicarius ecclesiae de Dalton.’
page 111 note 4 Select Pleas in Manorial Courts, 89, 90Google Scholar (Vicar of St. Ives). Court Baron, 131Google Scholar (‘quidam canis vicarii fug' sepius lepores in campo’), 132 (‘Thomas Thame capellanus non paravit porcionem suam super calcetum’). Cf. Halmota Prioratus Dunelm. 98, 146, 150.Google Scholar
page 111 note 5 Select Pleas in Manorial Courts, 164.Google Scholar
page 111 note 6 Halmota Prioratus Dunelm, 150Google Scholar (John de Galleway, chaplain, sells corn to John de Heswell). Leet Jurisdiction in Norwich, 14Google Scholar (Robert, a parson, presented for having a false and unsealed measure of ale), 19 (Richard Grund, chaplain, accused of forestalling), 35, 42 (John de Ffransham, chaplain, accused of forestalling), 48 (John de Madelmarkette, chaplain), 65 (parson of Pakefeld accused of forestalling). Cf. Social England in Fifteenth Century, 103.Google Scholar
page 111 note 7 Halmota Prioratus Dunelm. 80Google Scholar (Richard de Heswell, chaplain). Leet Jurisdiction in Norwich, 63Google Scholar (parsons of St. Katherine's and St. Margaret's).
page 111 note 8 Gower, , Vox Clamantis, III.Google Scholar cap. 19, ‘Hic loquitur de rectoribus in curis residentibus, qui tamen curas animarum omittentes, quasi seculi mercatores singula temporalia de die in diem ementes et vendentes, mundi diuicias adquirunt.’ Cf. Mirour de l'Omme, 11. 20305 ff.Google Scholar: Myrc, Instructions to Parish Priests, 1. 38Google Scholar, ‘And marchaundyse pow schalt not make’: Wilkins, , Concilia, II. 146Google Scholar, ‘Inhibemus igitur cunctis clericis, religiosis et aliis, ne quis eorum negotiator existat, vel secularia commercia inhonesta maxima exercere praesumat.… Et quamquam clericis sit interdicta negotiatio, ilia negotiationis species in ipsis prae caeteris detestatur ubi tempus venditur, quod omnibus est commune … Inhibemus etiam ipsis, ne viliusemant, utcarius vendant.…’ (Quivil, 's Constitutions, Cap. xxix., 1287).Google Scholar
page 112 note 1 English Works of Wyclif, 172Google Scholar, ‘The Order of Priesthood,’ cap. 13; this is not certainly by Wyclif.
page 112 note 2 Victoria Counts History: London, I. 203.Google Scholar
page 112 note 3 Ashley, , Economic History, II. 101seq.Google Scholar
page 112 note 4 Riley, , Memorials, 463.Google Scholar
page 112 note 5 Borough Customs, II. 209 seq.Google Scholar
page 113 note 1 E.g. Lib. Ant. 3Google Scholar, ‘necessarii sunt ibi tres capellani’ (Bradwell), 6, ‘habebit vicarius capellanum socium in dicta parochia’ (Shipton), 7, habebit capellanum secum socium … et inveniet clericum' (Wroxton)
page 113 note 2 Political Songs, 328.Google Scholar
page 113 note 3 Wilkins, , Concilia, I. 587Google Scholar, ‘Statuimus igitur ut perpetuo vicario ad minus quinque marcarum reditus assignetur …’ (Concilium Oxoniense, 1222). Ibid. II. 147, ‘Statuimus ut in parochialibus ecclesiis quaelibet vicaria perpetua certas portiones habeat sibi assignatas, valentes ad minus pretium unius capellani stipendia quinque marcas. …’ (Quivil, 's Con stitutions, cap. xxviii, 1287).Google Scholar
page 113 note 4 Ibid. ‘Ad haec, ne parochiales sacerdotes in vituperium clericalis ordinis oporteat mendicare, aut turpis lucri quaestibus inhiare, seu in habitu indecenti incedere propter rerum inopiam compellantur; statuimus, ut a rectoribus ecclesiarum, quibus deserviunt annuatim, percipiant pro stipendiis lx solidos sterlingorum. Et si cum eisdem convenerint pro quantitate minori, praesentis tamen synodi auctoritate decrevimus suppleri quod deest.… Sacerdotes vero auxiliarii non minus percipiant quam quinquaginta solidos, quamquam cum eisdem conveniri contigerit pro minori.…’ Cf. Rogers, Thorold, History of Agriculture, ii. 576Google Scholar, where there are five instances of chaplains receiving 50s. a year, and one 46s. 2d.: these cases are all between 1263 and 1278.
page 114 note 1 Wilkins, , Concilia, II. 170 (1289)Google Scholar, ‘Ne propter levitatem stipendiorum viliores houestioribus, vel imperiti peritioribus praeferantur.’
page 114 note 2 In the Liber Antiquus, of 134 recorded incomes, twenty-one are over six marks: in the deanery of Middlesex at the time of the Taxatio (pp. 17–18)Google Scholar there were twelve vicars receiving between six and a half and twelve marks. Cf. Rogers, Thorold, History of Agriculture, II. 579Google Scholar, for instance of a chaplain receiving a stipend of 2005. (Langley—1324).
page 114 note 3 The Liber Antiquus records fifty cases in which the vicar's income was under five marks (in some cases three only) and sixty-three cases of in comes from five to six marks.
page 114 note 4 Fifty-five London rectors had less than two marks from the churches: Victoria County History: London, I. 193.Google Scholar Sixty rectors and vicars of Essex had livings valued at £3 13s. 4d. a year and under: Victoria County History: Essex, II. 11.Google Scholar For higher values see note 1 to p. 100 above. Cf. Wilkins, , Concilia, I. 571Google Scholar, ‘Ut nullus nisi sacerdos admittatur ad aliquam ecclesiam cujus aestimatio non excedat v marcas.’
page 114 note 5 Wilkins, , Concilla, II. 147.Google Scholar Bishop Quivil after fixing perpetual vicars' stipends at a minimum of five marks continues, ‘de quibus ipse vicarius juxta suae substantiae modulum valeat hospitalitatem tenere.’
page 115 note 1 E.g. Rot. H. de Welles, I. 47Google Scholar, ‘Adjecit autem dominus Episcopus huic provisioni ut persona illius ecclesie hospitium Archidiacono faciat et vicarius sinodalia solvat.’ Reg. Th. de Cantilupo, 45Google Scholar, ‘Item ordinamus quod dictus vicarius et successores sui subeant et agnoscant omnia onera ordinaria et extraordinaria dicte ecclesie incumbencia, excepta reparacione et reformacione cancelli dicte ecclesie … et invencione librorum in eadem.’
page 115 note 2 Cf. Rogers, Thorold, op. cit. I. 289.Google Scholar
page 115 note 3 Cf. Rot. H. de Welles, II. 300Google Scholar, ‘Vicarius … habebit etiam victum suum de abbatia in omnibus sicut canonicus, et diaconus suus ut major serviens de abbatia.…’ This possibly indicates the relative social position of an unbeneficed deacon.
page 115 note 4 Cf. Ralph, Fitz's Defensorium Curatorum, 468, 469, 472 (1357).Google Scholar The matter is a subject of frequent reference in contemporary literature: e.g. Piers Plowman, A. Prol. 11. 55 ff., B. V. 136 ff., C. VII. 118 ff.; Romaunt of the Rose (English translation), 11. 6377 ff.Google Scholar; Canterbury Tales, ‘Prologue,’ 11. 208 ff.Google Scholar, 701 ff., D. 1715 ff.; English Works of Wyclif, 154, 445Google Scholar; Pierce the Ploughmans Crede, 11. 460 ff.Google Scholar Records of the settlement of disputes between incumbents and friars will be found in episcopal registers: e.g. Reg. Stephani Gravesend, 217Google Scholar (Rector of St. Olave and Crossed Friars— 1319), Reg. J. de Trillek, 195Google Scholar (Rector of Ludlow and Carmelites—1353). The University of Oxford still refer to the question in 1414: Wilkins, , Concilia, III. 364.Google Scholar
page 116 note 1 Cf. Piers Plowman, A. Prol., 11. 80 ff.Google Scholar ‘Persones and parisch prestes playneth to heore bisschops, That heore parisch hath ben pore seththe the pestilence tyme’… This passage is repeated in the B. and C. texts, which points to the evil continuing. The reference, it is true, may be satirical, but not necessarily ironical.
page 116 note 2 Wilkins, , Concilia, III. 1, 69, 135Google Scholar: Reg. J. de Trillek, 159Google Scholar, ‘ordinavimus quod singuli sacerdotes tam parochiani quam alii moderatis stipendiis de cetero erunt contenti.…’ Cf. St. 36 Edw. III, c. 8, ‘Chapelleins sont devenuz trop chiers puis la pestilence, a grande grevance et oppression du poeple.’ Rot. Parl. II. 368Google Scholar, ‘Item supplient les dites Communes a Roy lour Seigneur, qe les Prestres qi preignent trop outrageouse lower, et ceux qi leur doignent trop outrageouse lower, qe l'un et l'autre soient chastiez par vos Justices …’ In the Acta Synodi Eliensis (1364)Google Scholar, however, a different tone is adopted: ‘Ipsis autem sacerdotibus sufficiens et honesta tribuatur sustentatio ab ecclesiarum rectoribus, ne propter diminutam sustentationem oporteat ecclesias divinis obsequiis carere, aut ipsos sacerdotes lucris turpibus vacare, seu victum mendicare’: Concilia, III. 60.Google Scholar
page 116 note 3 Cf. previous note and Rogers, Thorold, op. cit. II. 615Google Scholar, where is mentioned the case of a chaplain who threatened that he would not stay unless he received 16s. 8d. a term.
page 116 note 4 This was first done by Archbishop Simon Islip in 1350: Wilkins, , Concilia, III. 1.Google Scholar This ecclesiastical enactment was enforced by civil legislation in 1362, which prohibited the payment by a layman of more than the amount fixed by the ecclesiastical authorities: St. 36 Edw. III c. 8. Archbishop Thoresby of York in 1367 also fixed the maximum for stipendiary chaplains at six marks: Concilia, III, 69.Google Scholar
page 117 note 1 Wilkins, , Concilia, III. 135.Google Scholar
page 117 note 2 2 Hen. V, St. 2, c. 2 (1414). Lyndwood's point of view is instructive: he frankly regards the old rates in force before Sudbury's enactment as inadequate: Provinciale, 64, 65.Google Scholar
page 117 note 3 Handlyng Synne, 11. 6173 ff.Google Scholar
page 117 note 4 Ayenbite, 191.Google Scholar Cf. Rolle, Richard, Fire of Love, 24Google Scholar; Piers Plowman, A. I. 11Google Scholar. 164 ff.; Political Songs, 327.Google Scholar
page 117 note 5 Suffolk Hundred, xvi.Google Scholarseq.: ‘Nicholas the son of Reyner, who was lord of the manor of Witnesham as well as parson of the church there.’ Cf. Cal. Close Rolls, Edw. III, Vol. IX. 2Google Scholar, where it is stated that Humphrey de Bassyngburn held a castle, messuage, land and manor for life of the grant of Master William de Bray, parson of Abynton church, and of John Walgor of Bitham, chaplain.
page 117 note 6 E.g. ibid. 54 (parson of Wygan owes £200 to parson of Preston). 55. 75 (John Baudechoun owes £400 to parson of Southwokyndon), 86, 147, 148.
page 118 note 1 Court Baron, 113.Google Scholar
page 118 note 2 ‘The Milleres Tale,’ 11. 3760 ff.Google Scholar
page 118 note 3 Manumissions for purpose of entering orders: Reg. J. de Drokensford, 33, 40, 92, 96Google Scholar; Reg. R. Shrewsbury, 158, 551, 618Google Scholar, et passim. Licences to send sons to school and take orders: Rogers, Thorold, op. cit. II. 613, 615, 616.Google Scholar Cf. Testament of Love, II.Google Scholar cap. 2, ‘therfore he shulde ete benebreed (and so did his syre) his estate ther-with to strengthen’: Skeat, 's Chaucer, VII. 51.Google Scholar
page 118 note 4 See Appendix II.; Concilia, II. 54, 143–4, 300.Google Scholar
page 119 note 1 Dives and Pauper, 51Google Scholar recto. A parallel statement will be found among the documents printed in the Proceedings against Dame Alice Kyteler, xxxii.Google Scholar
page 119 note 2 B. V. 11. 422 ff.
page 119 note 3 English Works of Wyclif, 151Google Scholar, ‘pey taken here worldly myrte, haukynge & huntynge & oþere vanytes doynge.’ Cf. Richard Rolle, ‘Epistola ad simplices sacerdotes’; Yorkshire Writers, II. 62Google Scholar: Piers Plowman, B. III. 11. 309Google Scholar ff.: Gower, , Mirour de l'Omme, 11. 20314 ff.Google Scholar; Vox Clamantis, III. 11 1493 ff.Google Scholar: Dives and Pauper, 68Google Scholarrecto: Wilkins, , Concilia, II. 152.Google Scholar Actual cases of poaching by parish clergy: Forest Pleas, 19, 31, 33, 37, 38, 58, 71, 73, 88Google Scholar; Court Baron, 131Google Scholar; Cal. Pat. Rolls, Edw. III, VIII. 176, 318Google Scholar; Halmota Prioratus Dunelm. 122, 125, 147Google Scholar; History of Castle Combe, 155 n., 164, 165Google Scholar; Reg. J. de Drokensford, 4.Google Scholar
page 119 note 4 This is Absolon in the ‘Milleres Tale,’ 11. 3334 ff.
page 120 note 1 English Works of Wyclif, 152.Google Scholar
page 120 note 2 Wilkins, , Concilia, III. i.Google Scholar
page 120 note 3 As to rising before 1381, cf. Trenholme, , Risings in the English Monastic Towns in 1327, 661Google Scholar: Powell, , East Anglia Rising, 16.Google Scholar As to rising of 1381, cf. Oman, , Great Revolt, 45, 47, 48, 96, 101.Google Scholar John Ball, of course, was a parish priest: cf. ibid. 41 seq., 87.
page 120 note 4 Wilkins, , Concilia, I. 573–4Google Scholar (Concilium Dunelmense—about 1220: Statutes, ‘De focariis amovendis’; ‘De punienda incontinentia clericorum’; De poena et satisfaction focariarum sacerdotum’; ‘De poena ipsius, qui polluit filiam spiritualem’); 590 (Concilium Oxoniense, 1222); 653 (Constitutiones Othonis cardinalis, cap. XVI.—1237); 672–3 (Constitutiones W, de Cantilupo, Wigorn. Episc.—1240); 692 (Statuta R. de la Wich, Cicestren. Episcopi—1246); 705 (Constitutiones W. de Kirkham Episc. Dunelm.—1255); 716–7 (Constitutiones Ae. de Bridport, Sarum Episc.—1256); II. 5 (Constitutiones Dom. Othoboni, cap. VIII.—1268); 36 (Archbishop Peckham—1279); 142 (Exeter Synod—1287); 169 (Bp. of Chichester—1289).
page 121 note 1 Ibid. I. 573, ‘Praelati, quoque, qui tales in suis iniquitatibus praesumant sustinere, maxime obtentu pecuniae, vel alterius commodi temporalis, pari subjaceant ultioni.’ Cf. ibid. II. 5 (Cardinal Ottobon's Constitutions), 36, ‘statutum domini Ottoboni contra concubinarios editum praecipimus in suo rigore inviolabiliter observan.’ Gower, , Mirour de l'Omme, 11. 20089 seq.Google Scholar
page 121 note 2 A. III. 11. 145 ff.: ‘Prouendreres, persuns preostes heo [Meede] meynteneth, To holde lemmons and lotebyes al heor lyf-dayes, And bringeth forth barnes ageyn forbodene lawes.’
page 121 note 3 The ‘Parsons Tale,’ 11. 897–9, ‘Swiche preestes been the sones of Helie, as sheweth in the book of Kinges, that they weren the sones of Belial, that is, the devel. Belial is to seyn “with-outen luge”; and so faren they; hem thinketh they been free, and han no luge, na-more than hath a free bole that taketh which cow that him lyketh in the toun. So faren they by wommen. For right as a free bole is y-nough for al a toun, right so is a wikked preest corrupcion y-nough for al a parisshe, or for al a contree.’
page 121 note 4 Vox Clamantis, III. 11. 1549 seq.:Google Scholar ‘O si curatis nati succedere possent Ecclesie titulo ferreque iura patrum, Tunc sibi Romipetas, mortis quibus est aliene Spes, nihil aut modicum posse valere puto.’
page 121 note 5 Robert, of Brunne, , Handlyng Synne, 11.Google Scholar 7935 seq.; de Bury, Richard, Philobiblon, 31–2, 176–7.Google Scholar These passages are cited in the text. xydPolitical Songs, 326, ‘Poem on the evil times of Edward II,’ 11. 49 seq.
‘And thise ersedeknes that ben set to visite holi churche, Everich fondeth hu he may shrewedlichest worche; He wole take mede of that on and that other, And late the parsoun have a wyf, and the prest another, at wille; Coveytise shall stoppen here mouth, and maken hem al stille.’
page 122 note 1 Reg. R. Baidock, 154seq.Google Scholar
page 122 note 2 Rot. Parl. II. 313–4.Google Scholar
page 122 note 3 Wilkins, , Concilia, III. 364 (1414).Google Scholar
page 122 note 4 E.g. Rot. H. de Welles, I. 79, 87, 96, 97, 148Google Scholar; Reg. J. de Halton, 178, 190Google Scholar; Reg. J. de Drokensford, 17, 66, 166, 206Google Scholar; Reg. R. Shrewsbury, 242, 260, 261Google Scholar; Reg. J. de Trillek, 142.Google Scholar See also Bodleian Norfolk Rolls, No. 18 (containing a visitation of Norwich parishes in 1333), to which my attention has been called by Mr. G. G. Coulton, to whom I am indebted for a number of other references.
page 122 note 5 E.g. Rot. H. de Welles, I. 87, 97.Google Scholar Cf. Rot. R. Grosseteste, 28Google Scholar, ‘Gerardus de Housthorp, capellanus, presentatus … ad ecclesiam de Wisputon, vacantem per confessionem Ricardi de Land, clerici, se esse uxoratum.’
page 122 note 6 E.g. Richard de Newenham, rector of Sandy, ‘promisit se quindecim marcas soluturum nomine pene, si cum muliere, cum qua dicebatur matrimonium contraxisse, decetero cohabitasse convincatur aut in loco privato et suspecto ad eam accessum habuisse …’: Rot. H. de Welles, I. 96.Google Scholar Cf. ibid. 79; Reg. J. de Halton, 178, 190.Google Scholar
page 123 note 1 Reg. R. de Swinfield, 282.Google Scholar
page 123 note 2 Reg. R. Baldock, 160.Google Scholar
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page 124 note 1 Leach, , Early Yorkshire Schools, I. xix.Google Scholarseq., II. v.Google Scholarseq.; English Schools at Reformation, 7, seq.Google Scholar
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‘Now mot ich soutere his soncyetten to schole, And ich a beggers brol on þe booke lerne.’
page 124 note 7 Rashdall, , Universities, II. 698seq.Google Scholar
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page 125 note 4 Early Yorkshire Schools, I. xxii. 17Google Scholar; Papal Letters, III. 596Google Scholar; licence of non-residence to Vicar of Mildenhall while lecturing in theology at Salisbury.
page 125 note 5 Early Yorkshire Schools, I. 17.Google Scholar
page 125 note 6 Concilia, II. 54.Google Scholar
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page 125 note 13 English Works, 153, 167Google Scholaret passim.
page 125 note 14 Instructions, 11. 5 ff.Google Scholar