Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-g8jcs Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-27T15:48:25.609Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

From Stenton to McFarlane: Models of Societies of the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 February 2009

Extract

The growth of the study of medieval society is a process which falls well within living memory. Precisely how old it might be considered to be is a matter of definition. Taking social history to be the empirical reconstruction of past social and political systems, structures and their properties, then social history was a phenomenon of the inter-war period in Britain. If one looks for a significant date to mark its full emergence (so far as we are considering later medieval society) then there is no date more significant than 1929, when Frank Merry Stenton delivered the Ford Lectures, which set in train the publication of The First Century of English Feudalism; a seminal event in the writing of social and medieval history in this country.

Type
From Knighthood to Country Gentry, 1050–1400?
Copyright
Copyright © Royal Historical Society 1995

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Lloyd, C., Explanation in Social History (Oxford, 1986) 1417Google Scholar, for the novelty and definition of social history in Britain; but as a modernist he would date its appearance to the 1940s.

2 Sawyer, P., ‘Domesday Studies since 1886’ in, Domesday Book: a Reassessment (1985)Google Scholar, 1–4, amply demonstrates the great activity in the area of Domesday studies in the last century.

3 Lewis, C. P., ‘The Domesday Jurors’, Haskins Society Journal' Studies in Medieval History, 5 ( 1993). 32–4Google Scholar.

4 Maitland, F. W., Domesday Book and Beyond (repr. Cambridge, 1972), 170Google Scholar.

5 Davis, H.W.C., England under the Mormons and Angevins (1905), 186Google Scholar.

6 Sayles, G.O., The Medieval Foundations of England (1948), 224–30Google Scholar.

7 Barrow, G. W. S., Feudal Britain: the Completion of the Medieval Kingdom, 1066–1314 (1956), 8497Google Scholar

8 Brown, R. A., The Normans and the Norman Conquest (London, 1969), 5, 23Google Scholar.

9 Stenton, F. M., The First Century of English Feudalism, 1066–1166 (Oxford, 1952) 5, 23Google Scholar.

10 Ideas considered in, Crouch, D., The Image of Aristocracy in Britain, 1000–1300 (1992), 1538Google Scholar.

11 Bishop Hensley Henson, for instance, himself once a history Fellow at All Souls, regarded Coulton as the leading exponent of his day, Henson, H.H., Retrospect of an Unimportant Life iii 1939–46 (Oxford, 1950), 99100Google Scholar (s.a. 1940), 341–2 (s.a. 1946). Coulton's trenchant anti-Catholicism was however, what chiefly intrigued and amused Henson, as it irritated Coulton's contemporaries in University departments, see Bennett, H. S., ‘George Gordon Coulton’, Proceedings of the British Academy, xxxiii (1947), 277–81Google Scholar.

12 Coulton traced his own ultimate inspiration to Carlyle's remark that what people wanted from historians (but did not get) was answers to ‘…that great question: how men lived and had their being’, Coulton, G. G.Some Problems in Medieval Historiography’, Proceedings of the British Academy, xviii (1932), 181Google Scholar, repeated in idem, Medieval Panorama (Cambridge, 1938), p. xiii.

13 Power, E., ‘On Medieval History as a Social Study’, in, The Study of Economic History, ed. Harte, N. B. (1971), 111 22Google Scholar (her reprinted 1933 inaugural lecture). See on die significance of this, Parker, C., The English Historical Tradition since 1850 (Edinburgh, 1990), 168–70Google Scholar.

14 As in, Coulton, Medieval Panorama, passim.

15 Parker, , English Historical Tradition, 8990Google Scholar.

16 See, Goldstein, D. S., ‘History at Oxford and Cambridge: Professionalization and the Influence of Ranke, Leopold von Ranke and the Reshaping of the Historical Discipline, ed. Igges, G. G. and Powell, J. M. (Syracuse, N.Y., 1990), 141–53Google Scholar. Stenton's Oxford pedigree is not entirely straightforward, but Sir Maurice Powicke at least believed he belonged in an Oxonian pantheon, Powicke, F. M., Modern Historians and the Study of History (1955), 170–1Google Scholar.

17 For Round's appetite for charters, King, E. ‘John Horace Round and the Calendar of Documents Preserved in France’, Proceedings of the Battle Conference, iv, ed. Brown, R. A. (Woodbridge, 1982), 97–8Google Scholar. For Stenton's early debt to Round, who in 1902 found him work him with the Victoria County Histories which became his academic lifeline while working as a schoolmaster at Llandovery College 1904–8, see Stenton, D. M., ‘Frank Merry StentonProceedings of the British Academy, liv (1968), 350–60Google Scholar.

18 Stenton, , First Century, 12Google Scholar.

19 Guilhiermoz, P., Essai sur la noblesse du moyen âge (Paris, 1902)Google Scholar.

20 Duby, G., La société aux xiȉ et xiȉ siècles dans la region mĉonnaise (Paris, 1953)Google Scholar.

21 Brunner, O., Land und Herrschqft (Vienna, 1939)Google Scholar, now translated into English by Kaminsky, H. and Melton, J. V. as, Land and Lordship: Structures of Governance in Medieval Austria (Philadelphia, 1992)Google Scholar.

22 An observation I owe to Professor R. R. Davies.

23 For Stenton's discussion of the significance of the appearance of compares, First Century, 60–1. For honorial heraldry in the earliest phase of heraldry's evolution see Crouch, , Image of Aristocracy, 232–5Google Scholar; for the political assassination perpetrated by the tenants of Pontefract, Wightman, W. E., The Lacy Family in England and Normandy, 1066–1194 (Oxford, 1966), 6873Google Scholar.

24 Mortimer, R., ‘Land and Service: the Tenants of the Honour of Clare’, Anglo-Norman Studies, viii, ed. Brown, R. A. (Woodbridge, 1986), 177–97Google Scholar.

25 Holt, J. C., The Northerners (Oxford, 1961), 36–7, 55–60, note particularly p. 60Google Scholar: ‘The social and political independence which Mr McFarlane has seen these men [i.e. the Northern knights] enjoying in the fifteenth century, and Professor Treharne and Mr Denholm-Young in the middle years of the thirteenth century, was not new at these dates.’

26 Thomas, H. M., Vassals, Heiresses, Crusaders and Thugs: the Gentry of Angevin Yorkshire, 1154–1216 (Philadelphia, 1993), 1932CrossRefGoogle Scholar, reviews the evidence for a break down in the honorial structure of the North East. For Leicester D., Crouch, The Beaumont Twins: the Roots and Branches of Power in the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, 1986), 115–31Google Scholar; for Holderness, English, B., The Lords of Holderness, 1086–1260 (Oxford, 1979), 153–6Google Scholar; for Huntingdon Stringer, K. J., Earl David of Huntingdon: A Study in Anglo-Scottish History (Edinburgh, 1985), 127–32Google Scholar.

27 As in, Milsom, S. F. C., The Legal Framework of English Feudalism (Cambridge, 1976), 186CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

28 Hudson, J., ‘Milsom's Legal Structure: Interpreting Twelfth Century Law’, The Legal History Review, lix (1991), 64–5Google Scholar, pinpoints this attitude.

29 See on this Green, J. A., The Government of England under Henry I (Cambridge, 1986), 110–11CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

30 Coss, P. R., Lordship, Knighthood and Locality: A Study in English Society, c. 1180–c. 1280 (Cambridge, 1991), 8Google Scholar.

31 On the Everitt school of thought see critiques in, Holmes, C., ‘The County Community in Stuart Historiography’, Journal of British Studies, xix (1980), 5473CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hill, C., People and Ideas in Seventeenth-Century England (Brighton, 1986), 21–4Google Scholar. I profited much from discussions on this historiographical point with Dr Ian Archer and Dr Sarah Foot.

32 Carpenter, C., ‘Gentry and Community in Medieval England’, Journal of British Studies, xxxiii (1994), 344–65Google Scholar, gives a forthright critique of recent late medieval county studies and finds the idea of county communities very woolly. Indeed she thinks that the whole idea of ‘community’ is misapplied by historians. Although I would agree that one should be cautious about the word, I use it here unashamedly, on the grounds that medieval people were fond of the word communitas, and clearly saw some point in using it. Woolliness and misapplication by modern historians does not invalidate a word with such a clear contemporary application, see further, Reynolds, S., Kingdoms and Communities in Western Europe, 900–1300 (Oxford, 1984)Google Scholar.

33 Maddicott, J. R., ‘The County Community and the Making of Public Opinion in Fourteenth-Century England’, ante, 5th ser., xxviii (1978), 2245Google Scholar; idem, ‘Magna Carta and the Local Community’, Past and Present, no. 102 (1984), 25–65, for the quotation, p. 25.

34 Pollock, F. and Maitland, F. W., The History of English Law (2 vols, Cambridge, 1911) i, 536Google Scholar.

35 Sayles, , Medieval Foundations, 230Google Scholar.

36 For dialect diversity in Middle English, Baugh, A. C., A History of the English Language (2nd edn, 1951), 227–31Google Scholar, particularly noting how the English of Devon was regarded as archaic in the twelfth century, which would account for the county toponym Deveneis. Kentish English had a long history as a dialect; the obviously marked differences between Suffolk and Norfolk English within the East Midland dialect are interesting, both were sizable counties, however, and that might well have encouraged diversity. It is perhaps significant that county toponyms are all derived from physically large counties. A family called ‘Kenteis’ or ‘Kentensis’ was established in the borough of Warwick as early as the 1170s, Dace, R., ‘Richard the Kentishman’, Warwickshire History, viii (1991), 20–4Google Scholar; a family called ‘Deveneis’ or ‘de Devonia’ was established in mid thirteenth century Northamptonshire, , Luffield Priory Charters, ed. Elvey, G. R. (2 vols, Northamptonshire Record Society, xxii, xxvi, 19571975) 230329, passimGoogle Scholar.

37 The Chronicle of jocelin of Brakelond, ed. Butler, H. E. (1949), 12Google Scholar.

38 Jordan Fantosme's Chronicle, ed. Johnston, R. C. (Oxford, 1981), 68Google Scholar.

39 Liber Luciani de laude Cestrie, ed. Taylor, M. V. (Lancashire and Cheshire Record Society, lxiv, 1912), 52, 65Google Scholar.

40 Descriptio Morfokensium, in,Early Mysteries and other Latin Poems of the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries, ed. Wright, T. (1838), 93–8Google Scholar.

41 John de St-Omer, Norfolchiae Descriptionis Impugnatio, in ibid, 99–106.

42 Vita sancti Eramwaldi, in, Dugdale, W., History of St Paul's, ed. Ellis, H. (1818), 291Google Scholar, in which the citizens of Erckenwald's time are depicted as claiming that only such a saint was a fitting patron for ‘so glorious a city’ with such martially accomplished inhabitants.

43 Descriptio Londoniae, in, Materials for a History of Thomas Becket, iii, ed. Robertson, J. C. (Rolls Series, 1878)Google Scholar, translated, Butler, H. E. in Stenton, F. M., Norman London (Historical Association, 1934), 2632Google Scholar.

44 The Chronicle of John of Worcester, 1118–1140, ed. Weaver, J.R.H. (Oxford, 1908), 57Google Scholar.

45 De Expugnatione Lyxbonensi, ed. David, C. W. (New York, 1936), 54–6Google Scholar, 100, refers to Norfolcenses et Sudfolcenses, Hamtunenses et Hastingenses. For the barones Eboracenses, see Torigny, Robert de, Chronica, in Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard, ed. Howlett, R. (4 vols, Rolls Series, 18861889) iv, 264Google Scholar. For the Bristoenses, see Gesta Stephani, ed. Potter, K. R. and Davis, R. H. C. (Oxford, 1976), 62–4Google Scholar, where the author (who had suffered from their attentions) subjects them to a vicious assassination of character. A writer from south-east Wales a century later had a similarly low opinion of the Bristollenses, Colker, M. L., ‘The “Margam Chronicle” in a Dublin Manuscript’, Haskins Society Journal, 4 (1992), 137Google Scholar.

46 Reynolds, , Kingdoms and Communities, 23Google Scholar.

47 Coss, P. R., ‘Knighthood and the Early Thirteenth Century County Court’, in, Thirteenth-Century England, ii ed. Coss, P. R. and Lloyd, S. D. (Woodbridge, 1988), 55–7Google Scholar.

48 Leges Henrici Primi, ed. Downer, L.J. (Oxford, 1972), c. 7.7–7aGoogle Scholar; an actual example of this of the time of Henry I has been pointed out to me by DrBrand, Paul, Visitations and Memorials of Southwell Minster, ed. Leach, A. F. (Camden Society, new ser., xlviii, 1891), 196Google Scholar.

49 For the comitatus of Glamorgan or Cardiff, see Glamorgan County History, iii, The Middle Ages, ed. Pugh, T. B. (Cardiff, 1971), 16Google Scholar. For Pembroke, we hear of its sheriff and hundred courts in the time of Henry I, see Haverfordwest Record Office, PEM 1; Pipe Roll of 31 Henry I, 136 and its comitatus in 1233, Royal and Other Letters Illustrative of the Reign of Henry III, ed. Shirley, W. W. (2 vols, Rolls Series, 18621866) i, 426Google Scholar. We find the sheriff of Trim making his tourn in mid-thirteenth century Meath, Calendar of the Gormanston Register, ed. Mills, J. and McEnery, M.J. (Dublin, 1916), 177Google Scholar, and there is evidence for a sheriff of Dublin in the 1190s and sheriffs in Waterford and Meath early in the next century, see Marin, F. X., ‘John, Lord of Ireland, 1185–1216’, in A New History of Ireland, ii, Medieval Ireland, ed. Cosgrove, A. (Oxford, 1981), 143–4Google Scholar, although the existence of vicecomites does not automatically mean that there were also comitatus.

50 The occasion is called une grand congregation … pur hautes busoynes, and the judicial function of that assembly leaves no doubt that it was a shire moot, Monasticon Anglicantan, ed. Caley, J. and others (7 vols in 8, 18171830) vi, 345Google Scholar.

51 Cam, H., ‘An East Anglian Shire Moot’, English Historical Review, xxxix (1924), 569Google Scholar.

52 Green, J. A., English Sheriffs to 1154 (1990), 16Google Scholar; eadem, ‘Financing Stephen's War’, Anglo-Norman Studies, xiv, ed. Chibnall, M. (Woodbridge, 1992), 95–8Google Scholar.

53 Davis, R. H. C., King Stephen (3rd edn, 1990), 30 1, 125 41Google Scholar.

54 For the Bracebridges, Coss, , Lordship, Knighthood and Locality, 280–7Google Scholar.

55 Carpenter, , ‘Gentry and Community’, 348–9Google Scholar, makes this point independently for the later middle ages, my contention is that it is just as true for the earlier period.

56 Book of Fees i, 445; ii, 820, 957, 958; iii, 827, 837, 1276; PRO JUST1/699 m. 17. For Guy, see in particular D. A. Carpenter, ‘Was there a crisis in the knightly class in the thirteenth century? The Oxfordshire evidence’, English Historical Review, xcv (1980), 733nGoogle Scholar.

57 William of Luddington in Dorset, PRO JUST1/200, m. 2; Robert of Halford in Berkshire, PROJUST1/273, m. 14, JUST1/342, m. id; Henry de St Maur in Staffordshire, PRO JUST1/802, m. 16 (not to mention also in Northamptonshire and Huntingdonshire, PRO JUST1/616, m. 4, JUST1/343, m. 1).

58 Pipe Roll of 31 Henry I, 34. See on this, Holt, J.C., ‘The Prehistory of Parliament’, in, The English Parliament in the Middle Ages, ed. Davies, R. G. and Denton, J. H. (Manchester, 1981), 24–6Google Scholar.

59 Maddicott, , ‘Magna Carta and the Local Community’, 36–7, 46–7, 61–5Google Scholar.

60 Coss, , Lordship, Knighthood and Locality, 5360Google Scholar.

61 For the original classic statement of this sort of political structure, K. B. McFarlane, ‘Bastard Feudalism’, reprinted in, England in the Fifteenth Century, ed. G. L. Harriss (1981), 23–44.

62 For the literature on this shift in perceptions see, Waugh, S. L., ‘From Tenure to Contract: Lordship and Clientage in Thirteenth-Century England’, English Historical Review, ci (1986), 811–39Google Scholar; Bean, J. M. W., From Lord to Patron: Lordship in Late Medieval England (Manchester, 1989)Google Scholar; Crouch, D., William Marshal Court, Career and Chivalry in the Angevin Empire (1990), chapters 5–6;Google ScholarCrouch, D., Carpenter, D. A. and Coss, P. R. ‘Debate: Bastard Feudalism Revised’, Past and Present, no. 131 (1991), 165203Google Scholar; Carpenter, D. A., ‘Simon de Montfort: the First Leader of a Political Movement in English History’, History, 76 (1991), 1013Google Scholar; Crouch, D., ‘A Norman Conventio and Bonds of Lordship in the Middle Ages’, in, Law and Government in Medieval England and Normandy: Essays in Honour of Sir James Holt, ed. Hudson, J. and Garnett, G. (Cambridge, 1994), 299324Google Scholar.

63 Llandaff Episcopal Acta, 1140–1287, ed. Crouch, D. (South Wales Record Society, 5, 1988)Google Scholar, no. 14, my translation.

64 Crouch, D., ‘William, earl of Gloucester and the end of the Anarchy: new evidence relating to the honor of Eudo Dapifer’, English Historical Review, ciii (1988), 6975CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

65 Charters of the Anglo-Norman Earls of Chester, c. 1071–1237, ed. Barradough, G. (Record Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, cxxvi, 1988) no. 45Google Scholar.

66 Early Yorkshire Charters ed. Farrar, W. and Clay, C. T. (12 vols, Yorkshire Archeological Society Record Series, 19141965) viii, 83Google Scholar.

67 Jordan Fantosme's Chronicle, ed. Johnston, R. C. (Oxford, 1981), 70Google Scholar.

68 Crouch, , William Marshal, 918Google Scholar.

69 Crouch, D.. ‘The March and the Welsh Kings’, in, The Anarchy of King Stephen's Reign, ed. King, E. (Oxford, 1994), 281–6Google Scholar.

70 Crouch, , William Marshal, 62–4Google Scholar.

71 Bassett, S. R., ‘In Search of the Origins of Anglo–Saxon Kingdoms’ in The Origins of Anglo–Saxon Kingdoms, ed. Bassett, S. R. (Leicester, 1989), 23–7Google Scholar.

72 Crouch, D.Earls and Bishops in Twelfth–Century Leicestershire’, Nottingham Medieval Studies, xxxvi (1993), 1920Google Scholar

73 A good example in Worcestershire is the family of le Seneschal of Evesham, which seems to have been more than a match for the abbey it once served in an hereditary stewardship, see Chronicon abbatiae de Evesham ad annum 1418, ed. Macray, W. Dunn (Rolls Series, 1863), 289–91Google Scholar; Monasticon Anglicanum, ii, 18–19; Cartulary of Evesham, Brit. Libr., ms Harley 3763, fos. 68r, 92r–v; PRO, E159/2, m. 14; JUST1/56, m. 32.

74 Mortimer, , ‘Land and Service, 194–5Google Scholar.

75 For the cousinship, Cockayne, G. E. and others, The Compute Peerage, (13 vols in 14, 1910–59) viii, 120 and nGoogle Scholar.

76 For the Montfort soke of Preston, Rutl Pipe Roll of 31 Henry I, 134; Robdi Hundredorum, ii, 49; PRO, KB26/146, m. id. For Beaudesert as their early Warwickshire centre, Regesta Regum Anglo–Normannorum, ed. Davis, H. W. C. and others (4 vols, Oxford, 19131969) iii, no. 597Google Scholar.

77 The last Montfort known to have attested a Warwick act was Henry, who died c. 1199, and who attested acts of Waleran of Warwick, who had become earl in 1183.

78 For the fees held of Warwick, , Red Book of the Exchequer, ed. Hall, H. (3 vols, Rolls Series, 1896), i, 325Google Scholar.

79 For the Stafford and Mowbray fees, Red Book, i 268; Charters of the Honour of Mowbray, ed. Greenway, D. E. (British Academy, 1972), 264Google Scholar.

80 The Cantilupe connection derived from the wardship by William de Cantilupe of Thurstin (III) de Montfort early in John's reign, which led to a marriage with a Cantilupe daughter, Complete Peerage, vii, 123n. In 1236, Thurstin's son, Peter, called William de Cantilupe the younger, ‘his lord’, Calendar of the Patent Rolls, 1232–47, 140.

81 For the later Mountforts of Coleshill, derived from an illegitimate son of Peter (II) de Montfort, see Dugdale, W., The Antiquities of Warwickshire, ed. Thomas, W. (1702) ii, 1009Google Scholar.