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The Origins of Parliament

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 February 2009

Extract

The antiquities of the word parliament have not been neglected either by lexicographers or by constitutional historians. The latter usually mention Jordan Fantosme and various thirteenth-century chroniclers; while the articles parlamentum in the Glossarium of Ducange and parlement in Godefroi's Dictionary are instructive although meagre in their references to record sources. But after he had studied all the references of historians and dictionary-makers, the enquirer might well be puzzled to know why certain sessions of the English king's court should in particular be called parliaments by the royal clerks. We may, however, get some way towards a plausible explanation by filling in a few of the gaps in the chain of references. For a full explanation we need to look at the working of parliamentary institutions; but that is a further step.

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Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Royal Historical Society 1928

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References

page 137 note 1 Line 2836.

page 138 note 1 The earliest instance of the use of the word with which I am acquainted occurs in Caffaro, Annales, s.a. 1101 (Monumenta Historiae Germanicae, Scriptores, XVIII, 13); later instances will be found, s.a. 1147 (ibid., p. 36), and in Annales Pisani (1158–60) (ibid., XIX, 244 f.). This general assembly of the commune had a variety of names: cf. Pertile, , Storia del Diritto Italiano, II, i, 50 fGoogle Scholar.

page 138 note 2 Cf. Pertile, op. cit., II, i, 168 ff., VI, 53.

page 138 note 3 Mon. Hist. Germ. Scriptores, XVIII, 591. On these diets, which were held at irregular intervals throughout nearly the whole of the twelfth century, and ceased in 1194, see Solmi, A., Le Diete imperiali di Roncaglia, pp. 52 ffGoogle Scholar.

page 138 note 4 La Vie de Saint Thomas le Martyr (ed. Walberg, E.), p. 56Google Scholar.

page 138 note 5 Chronicles of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I (Rolls Series), III, 226.

page 138 note 6 Roman de Rou (ed. Andresen, ), I, 168, 172 ffGoogle Scholar.

page 138 note 7 Ibid., II, 257 f.

page 138 note 8 Ibid., II, 256, 1. 5652. The word “parliament” in any sense does, not occur in any of Wace's written sources.

page 138 note 9 La Vie de Saint Thomas le Martyr, pp. 128, 134–7.

page 139 note 1 On Jean Renart's life and works, see Ch. Langlois, V., La Vie en France au moyen âge … d'après des romans mondains du temps (1924), pp. xxvi, 36 ff., 72 ff., 341 ffGoogle Scholar., and the introduction by Foulet, L. to Galeran de Bretagne (1925)Google Scholar.

page 139 note 2 Guillaume de Dôle (ed. Servois, : Soc. des Anciens Textes Français), pp. 135 ffGoogle Scholar.

page 139 note 3 L'Escoufle (ed. Michelaut, and Meyer, : Soc. des Anciens Textes Français), p. 256Google Scholar.

page 139 note 4 Guillaume de Dôle, p. 44.

page 139 note 5 Ibid., p. 18.

page 139 note 6 See the testimony of Geoffroi de Beaulieu to Saint Louis' hospitality: in parliaments et congregationibus militum et baronum, sicut decebat regiam dignitatem, liberaliter et largiter se habebat (Historiens de la France, XX, 12; so also Joinville (ed. N. de Wailly), p. 394).

page 139 note 7 Galeran de Bretagne, pp. 78, 104; Le Lai de I'Ombre (ed. Bédier, : Soc. des Anciens Textes Français), p. 35Google Scholar.

page 140 note 1 Liber de Antiquis Legibus (Camden Soc), p. 197. I incline to think that this was written not much later than 1217; one passage, which looks like an insertion (p. 204), refers to 1225.

page 140 note 2 L'Histoire de Guillaume le Maréchal (Société de l'histoire de France: 1891–1901).

page 140 note 3 Histoire des Dues de Normandie et des Rois d'Angleterre (Soc. de l'histoire de France: 1840).

page 140 note 4 Chronique française des Rois de France par un anonyme de Béthune in Historiens de la France, XXIV, 754 ff.

page 140 note 5 The same author appears to have written both the Histoire … des Rois d'Angleterre —the Histoire des Dues de Normandie is borrowed matter —and the Chronique des Rois de France. See Mon. Hist. Germ. Scriptores, XXVI, 699, and Historiens de la France, XXIV, 751 ff.

page 140 note 6 Liber de Antiquis Legibus, p. 199.

page 140 note 7 Ibid., p. 202: apud Stanes captum est parlamentum, ubi predictus Archiepiscopus et fere omnes Episcopi Anglie et predicti Barones convenerunt et fecerunt ibi moram per tres dies continuos. Idem vero Rex absentavit se et noluit ibi venire.

page 140 note 8 Guillaume le Maréchal, I, 301, 322 (meetings between Philip Augustus and Henry, May 1188, July 1189); II, 46 f. (proposed meetings between Philip Augustus and Richard, 1198–9), 68 (meeting between Philip Augustus and John, 1201).

page 140 note 9 Ibid., II, 273, 277.

page 141 note 1 Ibid., II, 191: N'ont que ces quatre al pallement.

page 141 note 2 Summoned by Meiler fitz Henry the justiciar; ibid., II, 129, 131.

page 141 note 3 Ibid., II, 279. Cf. p. 282, 1. 17872, where the word is applied to an assembly held after Michaelmas, 1218; see the note to this passage, Ibid.137, III, 252.

page 141 note 4 Histoire des dues de Normandie et des rois d'Angleterre, p. 120.

page 141 note 5 Ibid., pp. 149 f. This is, of course, the “parleamentum de Runemede” of the Close Roll (Close Rolls (1242–7), p. 242).

page 141 note 6 Ibid., p. 125.

page 141 note 7 Wendover, , Chronica (ed. Coxe, ), III, 276Google Scholar.

page 141 note 8 Histoire … des Rois d'Angleterre, pp. 146 f.

page 141 note 9 Ibid., 145.

page 141 note 10 Ibid., pp. 176 f.

page 141 note 11 Ibid., pp. 197 ff.

page 141 note 12 Ibid., p. 205.

page 141 note 13 Historiens de la France, XXIV, 765.

page 141 note 14 Ibid., 772.

page 141 note 15 La Conquéte de Constantinople (ed. Bouchet, ), pp. 10, 30Google Scholar.

page 141 note 16 Liber de Antiquis Legibus, p. 131.

page 142 note 1 Annales Monastici (Theokesb.), I, 116; this may not be strictly contemporary.

page 142 note 2 Bishop Bronescombe's Register, p. 218.

page 142 note 3 Histoire de Saint Louis (ed. de Wailly, N., 1874), p. 42Google Scholar.

page 142 note 4 Ibid., p. 332.

page 142 note 5 Ibid., pp. 370, 394.

page 142 note 6 This treatise was completed by May 1332; see Introduction, p. vii, to Aubert's edition.

page 143 note 1 Joinville's, Besides well-known description (Histoire, ed. Wailly, , p. 370Google Scholar; Langlois, , Textes relatifs d I'histoire du Parlement, pp. 80 ffGoogle Scholar.) and Geoffroi de Beaulieu's statement of how Louis entertained his barons at his parlements (Historiens de la France, XX, 12), we have such anecdotes as that told by Guillaume de Chartres of the overdressed lady who, on the occasion of one parlement, with a few others went with the king from the curia to the camera (ibid., XX, 33), and that told by Guillaume de Saint Pathus of the arrest of the comte de Joigny “en un plein parlement” at the king's order (Vie de Saint Louis (ed. Delaborde, ), p. 148)Google Scholar.

page 143 note 2 Cf. Parliamentary Writs, I, 131 f.: a petitioner hands a petition to Edward himself; Year Book 3 Edward II (Selden Soc), p. 196: Hereford's story of a parliament of Edward I.

page 143 note 3 Cf. Stubbs, , Constitutional History, I, 645 ffGoogle Scholar. For a case under John seep. 153 below. For France, see the cases collected by Langlois, , Textes relatifs d I'histoire du Parlement, pp. 21 ff.Google Scholar; but not all of these seem to have come before plenary meetings of the court. Cf. Luchaire, , Histoire des Institutions Monarchiques, I, 310Google Scholar. The story of the wicked seneschal told by Jean Renart (above, p. 139) also suggests that it was in exceptional cases only that judicial functions were exercised in parliament.

page 143 note 4 “Colloquium quod vulgo dicitur parlamentum”: Iohannes de Ianua, Catholicon, s.v. colloquium. Note that here the word is equated with both consilium and concio.

page 144 note 1 Colchester Chartulary (Roxburghe Club), II, 355. Since William fitz Fulc, “vicecomes Essexe”, is a witness, the charter must be dated 19 May, 1208–29 September, 1213, between which dates he acted as substitute or under-sheriff for Aubrey de Vere.

page 144 note 2 Cal. Charter Rolls, IV, 327; see also Archaeologia Cambrensis, 4th Series, X, 96 f.; ibid., Original Documents, II, xxxviii.

page 144 note 3 Cartae de Glamorgan, II, 360 (No. ccclxi).

page 145 note 1 Curia Regis Roll, No. 159, mm. 2, 10 f. Partly printed Cartae de Glamorgan, II, 547, and Archaeologia Cambrensis, 4th Series, IX, 241, from partial transcript in Cott. MS., Vitellius C.X. See also Cartae de Glamorgan, II, 543, 562.

page 145 note 2 Cf. Theiner, A., Codex Diplomaticus Dominii Temporalis S. Sedis, I, 35Google Scholar (No. xliii): tam vos quam omnes qui sunt de vestro districto, nobis et successoribus nostris et ecclesie Romane fidelitatem curabitis universaliter exhibere, expeditionem, parlamentum, pacem et guerram ad mandatum nostrum et legatorum et mintiorum nostrorum per totam Marchiam bona fide iuxta proprias facultates vestris expensis facere. … This is dated 23 November, 1200. For later documents see ibid., 41, 129; Mon. Hist. Germ. Epistolae Saeculi xiii e registris Pontificum Romanorum, I, 507; III, 107, 499, note 5. Cf. Boüard, A. de, Le Régime politique et les institutions de Rome au Moyen Age, p. 214Google Scholar.

page 145 note 3 I do not, of course, suggest that there were close similarities in detail. For an account of the parlamento of Friuli see Pertile, Storia del Diritto Italiano, I, 342 ff. For the acta of this parliament see P. S. Leicht, Parlamento Friulano (R. Accademia dei Lincei): the first mention of parlamentum in these documents seems to be in 1290 (No. xxvi).

page 145 note 4 Historians de la France, XXI, 233, 238.

page 145 note 5 Close Roll (1237–42), p. 447.

page 146 note 1 E. 368/20 (L.T.R. Mem. Roll, 32 Hen. III), mm. 4, 13.

page 146 note 2 Comptes d'Alfonse de Poitiers (ed. Bardonnet: Archives historiques de Poitou, IV), pp. 158, 160, 170. Cf. Serres, Borrelli de, Recherches sur divers services publics, I, 292 fGoogle Scholar.

page 146 note 3 Among the St. Albans chroniclers Wendover scrupulously employs the word colloquium: his successor Matthew Paris has no hesitation in using the more popular word, although he seems never to have translated Wendover's colloquium into parlamentum in the chronicle he took over and revised. See the fifth volume of Coxe's edition of Wendover where Paris' alterations and additions are set out; see also Modern Language Review, IX, 92 f., for some remarks by A. B. White upon Paris' use of the word. In Appendix I will be found a number of references from chroniclers for the years 1258–1272: I have omitted any notice of so-called parliaments which do not appear to be technically such.

page 146 note 4 1Close Roll, No. 73 (42 Hen. III), mm. 7, 8 (parleamentum), 7b (colloquium). Similar variations will be found in writs connected with the Easter parliament, 1260(Close Roll, No. 76, mm. I, 1b, 2, 2b).

page 146 note 5 See Scottish Historical Review, XXV, 300 f. Add to the references there cited a letter to the sheriff of Yorkshire which speaks of “parleamentum suum captum apud Edeneburg'” (Close Roll, No. 73, m. 8b).

page 146 note 6 Lords' Report on the Dignity of a Peer, III, 32 ff. For the later usage, see Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, VI, No. 17.

page 147 note 1 Liber de Antiquis Legibus, p. 98.

page 147 note 2 Calendar of Early Mayor's Court Rolls, p. 25.

page 147 note 3 Ibid., p. 33.

page 147 note 4 There were, of course, several such in Italy. Besides those instances mentioned above (p. 144, notes 2, 3), parliament eo nomine is found in Monferrat in 1305 (Bozzola, A., Parlamento del Munferrato (dei Lincei, R. Accademia), p. 3)Google Scholar. In France there was the rather curious episode of the parlement of Charroux, instituted by Charles the Fair after he became comte de la Marche in 1314. It disappeared on his accession to the throne in 1322. See Thomas, A., Les Archives du comté de la Marche (Bibliothèque de I'École des Charles, XLII, 40 fGoogle Scholar.) and Le comté de la Marche et le parlement de Poitiers, p. lix.

page 148 note 1 Revue Numismatique (1844), pp. 104 ff.; Annuaire Soc. française de Numismatique, XIX, 108 ff.

page 148 note 2 Close Rolls (1242–7), p. 221; Cal. Patent Rolls (1232–47), p. 434; Cal. Docts. Scotland, I, 300 ff.

page 148 note 3 Foedera, I, 339, 526; Shirley, Royal Letters, II, 329; Liber de Antiquis Legibus, p. 95.

page 148 note 4 Abbreviatio Placitorum, p. 226; Cartae de Glamorgan, III, 869.

page 148 note 5 Historical Manuscripts Commission, Report on Various Collections, I, 257.

page 148 note 6 Cal. Judiciary Rolls (33–35 Edw. I), p. 385; Historical MSS. Commission, Tenth Report, App. V, 257, 260; Early Statutes of Ireland, pp. 378, 448.

page 148 note 7 As Professor Pollard has pointed out: Evolution of Parliament, p. 32 note.

page 149 note 1 A letter from archbishop Giffard to the Pope in 1271 is very pertinent: quinimmo parliamentis secularibus oportebit frequentius intendere, iracundie tempora mitigare, reconciliare discordes et que pacis sunt, cum ordinatione regni, pro viribus procurare (Letters from Northern Registers, P. 36).

page 149 note 2 Very early in the fourteenth century Pierre de Saint Pol, a citizen of Bayonne, is saying that he has “sui ceste besoigne … iiij ans a touz les parlementz Dengleterre et de France”: Ancient Petitions, No. 14,432. For this important case which illustrates the conflict of jurisdiction arising out of the Treaty of Paris of 1259 and the difficulty of the position of the French subjects of the English king, see Cal. Chancery Warrants (1244–1326), p. 398; Cal. Close Rolls (1313–18), p. 181 (1318–23), p. 390.

page 150 note 1 De Eruditione Praedicatorum, lib. II, tract, ii, c. 86, in Bigne, La, Maxima Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum (1677), XXV, 559Google Scholar.

page 150 note 2 “Ut ratio ibi reddatur”: on this passage see Serres, Borrelli de, Recherches sur divers services publics, I, 337Google Scholar. He argues, against Lecoy de la Marche and Ch. V. Langlois. that this has reference not to a financial account but to a report, compte rendu, by public servants of their administration. However little this passage may fit the parlement of Paris, if ratio is taken in the former sense, it might be argued that it would apply to the parlements of Alfonse of Poitiers which synchronized with the compoti (Molinier, Correspondance administrative d'Alfonse de Poitiers, II, liv. f.) and to English parliaments until the meeting of which the settlement of accounts was not infrequently adjourned from 1248 onwards (below, p. 154).

page 150 note 3 “Ut ibidem ordinetur de Regno quod fuit ordinandum.”

page 151 note 1 Borrelli de Serres, loc. cit.: sujet d'homélie, qui ne peut d'ailleur guère passer pour une source historique.

page 151 note 2 Humbert himself seems to have sat as a member of the court in the parliament of the Nativity of Our Lady, 1258: Echard, , Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum, I, 148Google Scholar.

page 151 note 3 Summaries will be found in Registres de Clement IV (ed. Jordan, E.), p. 125, No. 426Google Scholar, and Cal. Papal Letters, I, 434. A transcript is in Add. MSS., 15,362, No. 92: I quote the relevant passage (f. 3446): “Quocirca mandamus quatinus huiusmodi excommunicationum sententias in sollempnibus Parlamentis, quibus Parisius et alibi te interesse contigerit per te ipsum sollempniter publices, et per alios in omnibus locis in quibus expedire videris et precipue in locis marittimis, seu mari uicinis facias publicari.” Similar instructions were given to the archbishop-elect of Reims and the archbishops of Rouen, Tours, Bourges and Sens.

page 151 note 4 Regestrum Visitationum (ed. Bonnin, ), p. 312Google Scholar.

page 151 note 5 Stubbs, , Constitutional History, III, 442 f.Google Scholar; Modus Tenendi Parliamentum (ed. Hardy, ), p. 31Google Scholar.

page 151 note 6 See below, p. 165 ff.

page 152 note 1 Mortier, (Les Maitres Généraux, I, 659)Google Scholar states definitely that most of his works were written after his resignation, i.e. between 1263 and 1277. This is probable, but direct evidence seems lacking.

page 152 note 2 Stubbs, , Constitutional History (1897), I, 399 f., 603Google Scholar.

page 152 note 3 Actes de Philippe Auguste (ed. Delaborde, ), No. 53Google Scholar. It is, however, to be noted that the clause dealing with this point is, like others, repeated from a charter of Louis VII, of 1144–5: see Loisel, Antoine, Memoires…de Beauvais (1617), pp. 271 ff.Google Scholar; Luchaire, , Actes de Louis VII, No. 138.Google Scholar Cf. Luchaire, , Histoire des Institutions Monarchiques de la France (1891), I, 263 f.Google Scholar; Pfister, , Études sur le règne de Robert le Pieux, p. 149Google Scholar.

page 152 note 4 œuvres de Rigord et de Guillaume le Breton (Société de I'histoire de France), I, 101.

page 153 note 1 Cf. Serres, Borrelli de, Recherches sur divers services publics, I, 290Google Scholar. See also the cases collected by Ch. Langlois, V., Textes relatifs d I'histoire du Parlement, pp. 30 ff.Google Scholar Minor cases did undoubtedly find their way to the king's court, but not apparently in any systematic way nor presumably especially for consideration at a solemn or plenary meeting of the court: cf. Historiens de la France, XXIV, 284 f. (case in 1237), 389 (case in 1239–41). On the distinction between the ordinary and plenary sessions of the king's court, see Luchaire, , Histoire des Institutions Monarchiques, I, 310Google Scholar.

page 153 note 2 Cf. Stubbs, , Const. Hist, I, 612Google Scholar.

page 153 note 3 Curia Regis Rolls, III, 124, 147.

page 154 note 1 Rotuli Litterarum Patentium, p. 44. See also Law Quarterly Review, XLIV, 116 f.

page 154 note 2 Close Roll (1237–42), p. 447.

page 154 note 3 Ibid. (1247–51), p. 104.

page 154 note 4 E. 368/20 (L.T.R. Mem. Roll, 36 Hen. III), mm. 4, 13.

page 154 note 5 They appear to have been enrolled very unsystematically: references to a number under Henry III will be found in Appendix I. They do not, however, appear in any large number until after the accession of Edward I: cf. Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, V, 129 ff.

page 155 note 1 Serres, Borrelli de, Recherches sur divers services publics, I, 290 fGoogle Scholar.

page 155 note 2 Cf. Bémont, , Simon de Montfort, p. 351Google Scholar: Le conte dit que en la commune porveance fete par le roy et par son conseil est porveu que trois parlemanz soient tenuz par an. The inference is that this requirement of the Provisions of Oxford was a new departure.

page 155 note 3 I have drawn attention to this point in a previous volume of the Transactions, IV Series, V, 56 ff.: other cases, besides those there mentioned, will be found in Assize Roll, No. 873, mm. 6, 7. I strongly suspect that cases marked “Loquendum cum Rege” or “Loquendum,” where there is no specific reference to parliament, not infrequently found their way there: MrJacob, E. F. believes such cases went to the council (Studies in the Period of Baronial Reform and Rebellion, p. 53)Google Scholar, but this does not exclude a decision in parliament.

page 156 note 1 Statutes of the Realm, I, 44.

page 156 note 2 Cam, , Studies in the Hundred Rolls, pp. 41 fGoogle Scholar.

page 156 note 3 Statutes of the Realm, I, 98. Cf. Ryley, , Placita Parliamentaria, pp. 451 ff.Google Scholar;Cal. Patent Rolls (1281–92), pp. 264 f.; Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, V, 134 f.

page 156 note 4 Parliamentary Writs, II, ii, App. 24 f.: Cal. Patent Rolls (1307–13), pp. 248 ff., where the reference to parliament is omitted.

page 156 note 5 Rotuli Parliamentorum, I, 285 f., Nos. 29, 40.

page 157 note 1 Langlois, , Textes relatifs à I'histoire du parlement, pp. 229 ff.Google Scholar; Ducoudray, , Les origines du parlement de Paris, pp. 50 ffGoogle Scholar.

page 157 note 2 Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, V, 133 ff., 151 f.

page 157 note 3 See Appendix I.

page 157 note 4 As against Boutaric, Molinier insists upon the differences between the parlements of Louis, Saint and Alfonse, (Correspondance Administrative, II, xxvi ff.)Google Scholar: he concludes (p. lxv) “ce parlement d'Alfonse est bien plutôt un corps administratif qu'un organe judiciare.”

page 158 note 1 Of early Irish parliaments there does not appear to be any adequate account in print., I can only refer to a forthcoming paper by Mr. G. O. Sayles and myself.

page 158 note 2 Cf. Scottish Historical Review, XXV, 300 ff.

page 158 note 3 For the Imperial parliaments of this period, see Ehrenberg, , Der deutsche Reichstag, 12731378Google Scholar; see also below, p. 165.

page 158 note 4 Shirley, , Royal Letters, II, 155Google Scholar.

page 158 note 5 For the activities of the council, see Powicke, , The Baronial Council (12581260)Google Scholar in Essays in Medieval History presented to T. F. Tout, pp. 119 ff. For the position which parliament was intended to occupy our best evidence is provided by the Provisions of Westminster, (Annales Monastici (Burton), I, 477Google Scholar; cf. Jacob, , Studies in the Period of Baronial Reform, p. 373)Google Scholar.

page 159 note 1 This is not, of course, to say that legal decisions were not taken or administrative questions considered in exceptional cases at plenary meetings of the king's court: cf. Stubbs, , Constitutional History, I, 401Google Scholar; Luchaire, , Histoire des institutions monarchiques, I, 265 ffGoogle Scholar.

page 159 note 2 Ehrenberg, , Der Deutsche Reichstag, 61 ffGoogle Scholar.

page 159 note 3 de Serres, Borrelli, Recherches sur divers services publics, I, 296Google Scholar. Cf. Langlois, , Revue Historique, XLII, 90 fGoogle Scholar. But see Ducoudray, , Les Origines du Parlement de Paris, pp. 316 ffGoogle Scholar.

page 159 note 4 Textes relatifs à I'histoire du Parlement, pp. 229 ff.

page 159 note 5 Origines du Parlement de Paris, pp. 50 f.

page 160 note 1 In this year the parlement sat at All Saints as well as at Martinmas: possibly the two sessions were continuous.

page 160 note 2 A table of the sessions of the parlement may make the position clearer: all sessions were probably at Paris except that of the Nativity, 1263:—

It is possible that there was a special session late in Lent, 1261: Rigaud, Eudes, Regestrum Visitationum, p. 398Google Scholar; see below, p. 165, note 4.

page 160 note 3 Foedera, I, 432.

page 160 note 4 Liber de Antiquis Legibus, p. 57.

page 160 note 5 So Guillaume de Nangis: rex Franciae Ludovicus…Simonem comitem ad parlamentum suum apud Boloniam super mare convocavit (Historiens de la France, XX, 414). Cf. Shirley, , Royal Letters. II, 249Google Scholar.

page 162 note 1 Liber de Antiquis Legibus, pp. 110 f. Parlements were held at this term 1262, 1273, 1274. Cf. Olim, I, 765, No. 32, where there is what seems to be an adjournment to this term in 1269.

page 161 note 2 This “Historiola de pietate Regis Henrici III” has been printed from Rymer's transcript (Add. MS., 4573 ff., 57 f.) of the destroyed Vitellius D. XIV. by Champollion-Figeac, , Lettres de Rois, I, 402 ff.Google Scholar, and Bond, E. A. in Archæological Journal, XVII, 317 ffGoogle Scholar.

page 161 note 3 The story is written round Henry's one recorded bon mot, and perhaps quite correctly, and certainly quite naturally, appears in several contemporary or subcontemporary versions which do not mention parliament. One will be found in a collection of exempla: (Speculum Laicorum (ed. Welter, J. Th.), p. 10)Google Scholar, another in the continuation of Matthew Paris (ed. Wats (1640), p. 1009), repeated in Trevet's Annales, p. 280, and yet another in the Albans, St. Opus Chronicorum (Trokelowe, Chronica, p. 36)Google Scholar.

page 161 note 4 There seems no reason for doubting that the “pallamentum” in 1261 to which the clergy of the province of Rouen sent representatives to treat concerning a crusade was a “parlement” (see Rigaud, Eudes, Regestrum Visitationum, p. 398Google Scholar, and Bonnin's note, p. 399). See also Grandes Chroniques de France (ed. Paris, Paulin), V, 150, 167Google Scholar, where “parlements” of 1303 and 1304 are mentioned. I feel considerable difficulty in following Borrelli de Serres in dismissing these assemblies—the one the first of the “Etats Généraux,” the second a meeting for treating of peace with Flanders—as having no connexion with the parlement of Paris (Recherches sur divers services publics, I, 288 f.).

page 162 note 1 The earliest use of the name known to me is in a letter of January 1294 from Adolf of Nassau to Edward, I (Bart. Cotton, Historia Anglicana, p. 434Google Scholar; Mon. Germ. Hist. Constitutiones et Acta publica, III, 434), the next in 1296 (ibid., 523 f.: cf. Ehrenberg, , Der deutsche Reichstag, pp. 3 f.)Google Scholar. It is perhaps not without significance that Richard of Cornwall did not, so far as we know, call his one general Reichstag in 1269 a parliament but colloquium (Mon. Germ. Hist. Constitutiones et Ada publica, II, 488, 616: cf. Boppart, J. F., Richard von Cornwall, p. 115)Google Scholar. In the account of this assembly to be found in Wyke's, Chronicon, pp. 223 f.Google Scholar, and apparently furnished by a follower of Richard's, it is called “principum et magnatum Alemanniae convocatio.”

page 162 note 2 For , Edward I's Scottish parliaments, see Scottish Historical Review, XXV, 300 ffGoogle Scholar. For Edward I's Irish parliaments I can only refer to the paper mentioned above, p. 158, note 1.

page 163 note 1 Foedera, I, 516, 524; Langlois, , Textes relatifs à l'histoire du Parlement, p. 92Google Scholar; Chanc. Misc. 3/21, No. 2; Statutes of the Realm, I, 42; Parliamentary Writs, I, 6.

page 163 note 2 Langlois, op. cit., 124 f., 133: cf. Maitland, , Memoranda de Parliamento, pp. 3, 300Google Scholar.

page 163 note 3 Chanc. Misc. 4/5, ff.12b, 16, 17, 226; Parl. Writs, I, 8, 16, 19; Rot. Parl., I, 3b, 98a, 126b.

page 163 note 4 Chanc. Misc. 4/5, ff. 16, 22b; Langlois, , Textes, p. 102Google Scholar;Rot. Parl., l, 3b.

page 163 note 5 Chanc. Misc. 4/5, f. 126; Parl. Writs, I, 15, 20, 29; Rot. Parl. I, 93a.

page 163 note 6 Chanc. Misc. 4/4, f. 13; Langlois, op. cit., pp. 103, 124: cf.Parl. Writs, I, 62.

page 163 note 7 Chanc. Misc. 4/5, ff. 11, 23, 29; Parl. Writs, I, 2, 81 f., 136; Rot. Parl., I, 76a.

page 163 note 8 Exch. T.R. Misc. Books, E. 36/201, p. 23; Rot. Parl., I, 44b.

page 163 note 9 Foedera, I, 793 f.

page 164 note 1 Chancery Misc. 4/5 (Wardrobe Account, 1289–1290), f. 25.

page 164 note 2 Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, I, 445 f.; Rot. Parl., I, 61a.

page 164 note 3 Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, I, 448.

page 164 note 4 He appears as a litigant on several occasions between 1257 and 1296; on the first occasion he was presumably a minor (Boutaric, , Actes du Parlement de Paris, I, Nos. 79, 2305, 2410, 2574)Google Scholar. Relying upon a document printed by Dutillet in his Recueil des rangs des Grands de France, Darsy, F. I. (Picquigny et ses seigneurs, p. 36)Google Scholar stated that in 1298 Jean de Picquigny sat as a member of the court: this document is a French translation of the list in Olim, II, 423, No. xiii, printed also by Langlois, , Textes, p. 169Google Scholar, and renders “Vicedominus Priviconii” as “Le Vidame de Piqueny”: but no such Latin form of the name is to be found elsewhere. Darsy stated also (op. cit., p. 37) that he visited England in the same year. He was certainly in favour with Edward, I: Cal. Patent Rolls (1281–92), p. 321Google Scholar; Cal. Chancery Warrants (1244–1326), p. 32.

page 164 note 5 Palgrave, Documents illustrating the History of Scotland, Illustrations No. 4; Prynne, , Exact Chronological Vindication, III, 504Google Scholar; Foedera, I, 766.

page 165 note 1 Rishanger, Chronica, pp. 255, 260Google Scholar.

page 165 note 2 de Langtoft, Pierre, Chronicle, II, 204 ffGoogle Scholar.

page 165 note 3 E. 36/202 (Wardrobe Account, 23 Edw. I), p. 44.

page 165 note 4 Parliamentary Writs, I, 55, No. 10.

page 165 note 5 Ibid., I, 137, 139, 158 ff., 182 f.

page 165 note 6 Ibid., I, 55, No. 10.

page 165 note 7 Ibid., I, 159 ff., Nos. 54–6, 59: Exch. Parliament and Council Proceedings, 1/20.

page 165 note 8 Stubbs, , Constitutional History, III, 394Google Scholar; Modus Tenendi Parliamentum (ed. Hardy, ), p. 3Google Scholar; Hannay, , On ”Parliament” and ”General Council” in Scottish Historical Review, xviii, 158Google Scholar; Ehrenberg, , Der Deutsche Reichstag (12731378), pp. 10 fGoogle Scholar. In Germany as in England the custom of a seven weeks' summons was not maintained: much shorter periods are found in the fourteenth century.

page 165 note 9 Cf. the summons to Lübeck in 1310: Mon. Hist. Germ., Constitutiones et Ada publica, IV, 332.

page 165 note 10 For Germany, see Ehrenberg, op. cit., pp. 23 f.: for Ireland, , Lynch, W., A View of the Legal Institutions … in Ireland (1830), pp. 160, 338Google Scholar; Betham, W. Sir, Origin and History … of the Early Parliaments of Ireland (1834), p. 258Google Scholar; Cal. Close Rolls (1288–96), p. 287. Cf. Modus Tenendi Parliamenti, p. 29.

page 166 note 1 See Appendix II.

page 166 note 2 For references to these, see Appendix I and Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, V, 129 ff.

page 166 note 3 Correspondance administrative, I, 3, No. 4: App. II, Nos. 22, 25. For some account of corresponding English documents see The Early Records of the English Parliaments in the Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, V, 129 ff., VI, 71 ff.

page 166 note 4 Correspondance administrative, II, lxiii and references there cited.

page 166 note 5 Mandements inédits d'Alfonse de Poitiers in Annales du Midi, XII, pp. 307, 313; Correspondance administrative, I, 64, No. 100: cf. p. 23, No. 35.

page 166 note 6 Correspondance administrative, II, lxii, and references there cited.

page 167 note 1 Correspondance administrative, II, lxii f.: cf. App. II, No. 27.

page 167 note 2 On this subject, see Guilhiermoz, P., Enquttes et Procès (1892)Google Scholar: the section on “Commissions à enquérir” (pp. 27 ff.) affords a succinct view of the main features of the French system, which it is thus easy to compare with the system, if such it can be called, in England, as it appears in documents of the kind here cited.

page 167 note 3 Cal. Patent Rolls (1272–81), p. 120.

page 167 note 4 Foedera, I, 565.

page 167 note 5 Champollion-Figeac, , Lettres de Rois, I, 280 fGoogle Scholar.

page 168 note 1 Foedera, I, 715. The detailed procedure of the enquiry has still to be worked out from the surviving querelae and other documents. There is no doubt that certain of the complaints did come before parliament. But a discussion of this matter must be deferred.

page 168 note 2 The surviving enrolments for two parliaments of 1293 are printed in Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, I, 445 ff.

page 168 note 3 This question is discussed in the paper referred to above, p. 162, note 1.

page 169 note 1 Close Roll (1242–7), pp. 129 f.

page 169 note 2 Annales Monastics (Winton.), II, 113.

page 169 note 3 Parliamentary Writs, II, ii., 17f.

page 169 note 4 This is more particularly the case with town representatives who were summoned several times by Edward I to discuss such matters as town planning and customs duties(Parliamentary Writs, I, 49 ff., 134 f.): in France under Saint Louis they were consulted about coinage (on this see Langlois, Ch. V. in Lavisse, Histoire de France, III, ii, 259)Google Scholar.

page 169 note 5 William of Jumièges, Gesta Normannorum Ducum (ed. Marx, J.), pp. 73Google Scholar.

page 169 note 6 In 1252 the articles of confederation between Dublin and Drogheda provide for common counsel between representatives of the towns (Gilbert, , Historical and Municipal Documents of Ireland, p. 131Google Scholar): in 1285 the confederation embraces Dublin, Drogheda, Cork, Limerick and Waterford and the articles provide that two or three citizens or burgesses from each town are to meet triennially at Kilkenny on the morrow of Trinity (ibid., p. 196). It is possible that the court of the Four Burghs in Scotland has its origin in a similar confederation (cf. Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, I, 724: an earlier reference to the Four Burghs will be found in Rot. Parl., I, 108). Another parallel is afforded by the moneyers of the oath of the Empire who had a representative parliament, meeting every four years, but the evidence does not go beyond the first half of the fourteenth century: see Revue Numismatique (1844), pp. 105 f.; Annuaire Soc.française de Numismatique, XIX, 108 ff.

page 170 note 1 Barker, E., The Dominican Order and Convocation, pp. 72 ffGoogle Scholar.

page 171 note 1 Compare, however, Pertile, , Storia del Diritto Italiano, II, i, 319Google Scholar. But the French model which is supposed to have been adopted in Savoy seems to be the états gé néraux.

page 172 note 1 Apparently originally summoned for 24 February (Matt. Paris, , Chron. Maj., VI, 392)Google Scholar.

page 172 note 2 The session of this parliament seems to have been regarded as continued at Winchester: see L.A.L., 38, Ann. Mon. (Winton.), II, 97; Chron. of Edward I and Edward II, i, 51: cf. C.P.R. (1247–58), pp. 640 f.

page 173 note 1 Held apparently in the king's absence in three weeks of Candlemas. London may here, as elsewhere, signify Westminster.

page 173 note 2 It is improbable that this parliament ever met. An Easter parliament seems to have been abandoned, Annales Monastici (Wykes), IV, 128. A parliament has been supposed to have been held at Winchester at Whitsuntide (Prothero, , Simon de Montfort, p. 230Google Scholar; Bémont, , Simon de Montfort, p. 190, note 2)Google Scholar: but the evidence does not seem satisfactory. I have traced nothing in record sources and Wykes' language does not demand this interpretation.

page 173 note 3 Apparently there was a brief session at this term, and another after the king's return from France.

page 174 note 1 It is dubious whether this assembly, which was rather in the nature of a gathering in arms, should be regarded as a parliament.

page 174 note 2 A meeting, termed by certain chroniclers a parliament (Annales Monastici, III, 235; IV, 154ff.) was summoned to meet at Oxford on 30 November, 1264; but it is not clear that any business was transacted in the absence of the Marchers.

page 174 note 3 One entry out of four on the Close Roll gives Winchester as the place of meeting; this seems undoubtedly a mistake for Westminster.

page 175 note 1 It is not quite certain that this meeting was a parliament.

page 175 note 2 The Winchester Annalist (Ann. Mon., II, 107) appears to refer to this parliament as meeting at Winchester, a mistake perhaps for Westminster.

page 175 note 3 Despite the attendance of town representatives it is doubtful whether this meeting was a parliament.

page 176 note 1 As J. 1131: St. Louis et Alfonse de Poitiers, pp. 416 f., and numerous footnotes elsewhere.

page 176 note 2 Not 19, as stated by Boutaric, and in Layettes du Trésor des Charles, V, 303Google Scholar.

page 176 note 3 Molinier, A., Correspondance administrative d'Alfonse de Poitiers, No. 1406Google Scholar.

page 176 note 4 On the same date a letter was addressed to the seneschal of Saintonge announcing a similar meeting on 3 March at Poitiers (Correspondance administrative, No. 1067). It will be noted, however, that petitioners from Saintonge presented themselves at Toulouse.

page 176 note 5 Alfonse signs at Montauban (Tarn-et-Garonne) on 16 April (Correspondance administrative, No. 1824) and at Aimargues near Aigues-Mortes on 17 June (ibid., No. 972). Cf.Boutaric, op. cit., p. 119, Ledain, B., Histoire d'Alphonse, frère de saint Louis, p. 98Google Scholar.

page 177 note 1 Correspondance administrative, II, lxv.

page 177 note 2 Le Port Sainte-Marie (Lot-et-Garonne).

page 177 note 3 Puy-Laurens (Tarn).

page 177 note 4 As to this contribution levied on the Jews, see Boutaric, , Saint Louis et Alfonse de Poitiers, pp. 324Google Scholarff.

page 178 note 1 Rectius morlanorum: money of Morlaas (Basses-Pyrénées).

page 178 note 2 Rançon (Haute-Vienne): for Geoffrey, see Correspondance administrative, No. 1051; Annales du Midi, XII, 293, 296, 306Google Scholar.

page 178 note 3 Cordes (Tarn).

page 178 note 4 Clerk of Alfonse of Poitiers: see Boutaric, op. cit., pp. 127, 418; Correspondance administrative, II, xlii f.

page 178 note 5 Comite repeated ms.

page 178 note 6 Montaut (Haute-Garonne). This entry is unfinished.

page 178 note 7 The Count's lands beyond the Garonne.

page 178 note 8 No note of reply.

page 178 note 9 Daux (Haute-Garonne). Cf. Correspondance administrative, No. 1219.

page 179 note 1 Lézat-sur-Lèze (Ariège). Cf. Correspondance administrative, Nos. 1350, 1403

page 179 note 2 No note of reply.

page 179 note 3 Jacques du Bois: responsible for revenues arising from confiscations of condemned heretics: see Boutaric, , op. cit., pp. 450 fGoogle Scholar.

page 179 note 4 M. Molinier would apparently extend mem' and memor' as memoria in this and other entries (Correspondance administrative, II, lxv).

page 179 note 5 L'Isle-en-Jourdain (Gers).

page 179 note 6 Cf. Correspondance administrative, No. 2073; Layettes du Trésor des Charles, IV, 304, No. 5445.

page 179 note 7 Cf. Correspondance administrative, II, 226, No. 1548: magister Vincencius iudex Senescalli Agenensis.

page 180 note 1 Cf. Layettes du Trésor des Chartes, IV, no. No. 4965: magister Rigaldus Belli iudex Tholose; see also Correspondance administrative, No. 1443. 1454.

page 180 note 2 Cf. Correspondance administrative, Nos. 1700, 1706, 1708.

page 180 note 3 Grandcastel, now Puymirol (Lot-et-Garonne).

page 180 note 4 Deodatus de Barasc. Cf. Correspondance administrative, No. 1451.

page 180 note 5 Larnagol (Lot).

page 180 note 6 Sic MS.

page 181 note 1 See above, No. 5.

page 181 note 2 Cf. Correspondance administrative. No. 1646.

page 181 note 3 MS. episcopo.

page 181 note 4 MS. capitulum.

page 181 note 5 Cardaillac (Lot).

page 181 note 6 Montauban (Tarn-et-Garonne).

page 182 note 1 MS. inserts set et after eciam.

page 182 note 2 Rectius contemptu.

page 182 note 3 Montbrun (Haute-Garonne).

page 182 note 4 Laurac (Aude).

page 183 note 1 (?) Beaudeville (Haute-Garonne).

page 183 note 2 (?) Vopillon near Condom (Gers).

page 183 note 3 Apparently la Romieu (Gers).