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The Beginnings of the Cistercian Order

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 February 2009

W. A. Parker Mason
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Extract

In the eastern part of the Duchy of Burgundy, in a region which now forms the southern portion of the Côte-d'Or Department, lies Cîteaux. The country around, after gently sloping from the hills on which Dijon stands, some four or five leagues to the north, here expands into a rolling plain formed by the basin of the Saône, and not far away southwards there is the junction of this river with its tributaries, the Doubs and the Denthe. The Côte-d'Or hills to the north-west protect it from some of the more violent storms, and under their shelter and through the congenial nature of the soil has grown up the great vine-growing industry of the district. Around Cîteaux in old days the country was wild, marshy, and a tangled mass of scrub, and even to-day the soil here is marshy, and there is an abundance of pools. The name itself shows the nature of the place: in its older form Cisteaux, or Cistercium, it seems to be derived either from Cisternæ, which Du Cange explains as ‘a marsh with stagnant pools’; or from Cistels, as the Bollandists give the form of the word; or Citeals, which is the form of the word preferred by Courtépée, with a variant Cisteauls. These last are explained as old French words meaning marsh rushes. Whichever be the correct derivation, the fact pointed to is the same; the word itself shows the swampy, unpromising nature of the country. But here was to spring up the mother-house of one of the greatest and most powerful of the religious orders of the Church, which some ot its adherents could claim to have been the mother of 10,000 dependent houses, 4,000 male, and 6,000 female, by the seventeenth century.

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Research Article
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Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , Volume 19 , December 1905 , pp. 169 - 207
Copyright
Copyright © Royal Historical Society 1904

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References

page 169 note 1 This is the derivation of Guillelmus Paradinus, as quoted by the Bollandists, l.c., and Henriquez, , Menologium, p. 91Google Scholar, in the description of the Belnensis ager (i.e. Beaune) ‘in agro visitur Cistercium à Cisternis, Odonis Ducis opus stupendum in vastissimo nemore.’

page 169 note 2 April, vol. iii., 666, B; 673, E (ed. lS66).

page 170 note 1 Description du Duché de Bourgogne, vol. ii. (ed. 1847).

page 170 note 2 Henriquez, , Menologium, p. 91Google Scholar. Paradinus only claims 1,800 houses for the order, much to Henriquez's disgust.

page 171 note 1 Bollandists, l.v., 663, B.

page 171 note 2 The chief source is the life given in Sirius on April 29, p. 279 ff., and was perhaps written by the order of Odo of Molestne, though it has been manipulated by Sirius in the way of omissions and corrections of diction. See also Bollandists on April 29.

page 171 note 3 The full title was Monasterium Cellense Beatæ Mariæ de Pratis or Mon. S. Petri de Cella. See the Gallia Christ, xii. 538.

page 171 note 4 Robert, was the sixth abbot, Gallia Christ. iv. 613–14Google Scholar; the ‘Sanmarthani Fratres’ call him the third.

page 171 note 5 See the whole account, in Sirius, of the two brothers, their quarrel, repentance, etc.

page 171 note 6 Near Provins, in the diocese of Sens. See the document in Gall. Chr. xii., Instr. 251.

page 171 note 7 Collanus or Colannus, in the canton and arrondissement of Tonnerre Yonne) (Petit, , Dues de Bourgogne, i. 217)Google Scholar.

page 172 note 1 Dec. 20, say the Bollandists, l.c., 663, E. On a tablet at Molesme the date is given; quoted Reeueil des Hist. France, xiii. 724, note; so, too, Baronius, from an unpublished extract of Gaufridus a Collone.

page 172 note 2 In about twenty years the monastery possessed as many dependent priories or cells, and by 1110 there seem to have been as many as forty priories attached to Molesme. See the elaborate list with references in Petit, , Dues de Bourgogtte, i. 241–2Google Scholar.

page 172 note 3 Haur or Hauz. It is called Aurum by the Bollandists. See Mabillon, , Ann. Betted, v. 385Google Scholar.

page 170 note 4 This first retirement of St. Robert from Molesme has been questioned, but merely from its similarity to his retirement to Cîteaux. In itself it is quite probable, and the following considerations support it: (I) In Hugo's letter to the Bishop of Langres, providing for Robert's return to Molesme, provision is made for the abbacy being secured to the interim abbot, Gaufredus, ‘si deinceps eandem ecclesiam solita levitate [Robertus] deseruerit,’ the ‘solita’ showing that Hugo would not be surprised at a subsequent retirement on some other occasion, as on several in the past. (2) The Pope ordered his return from Haur to Molesme. This surely explains the journey of Robert to Hugo, the Papal legate at Lyons; he had been ordered by the Pope to return to Molesme; if he wished to leave it again, he must get Papal authority for his proposal. Otherwise there was no need to apply to Hugo. Papal and episcopal authority in the matter of founding a new abbey was not often in the eleventh or twelfth century invoked until it became advisable, after foundation, to have confirmatory charters and bulls. (3) It accounts for the community of Cîteaux being in the diocese of some other than that of Langres, the diocesan of Robert at Molesme. The monks of Molesme had got the bishop—not Jocerannus (Sirius is wrong here, see G.C. iv.), as he was not bishop until 1112 A.D.—to threaten excommunication to Alberic etc., and so they had left the diocese and province and explored Cîteaux. Manriquez's objection that Stephen and Alberic were at Molesme in 1097 is no bar to this account, as it is only natural that they should return to Molesme when the abbot after their own heart did so. Robert was never very steady at a post, and the twenty-three years have no break in the ordinary accounts. As early as 1084 Molesme had become a popular object of donations (see Petit, , Dues de Bourgogne, i., ch. 7)Google Scholar; and the noble lords who took up (he monastic life at Molesme thenceforth were not used to discipline; consequently it might be expected that somewhere about 1090 Robert would, as from Tonnerre, withdraw in disgust from Molesme. There are no charters of donation from 1090–4, but many for almost every year, except 1081–5 (?), for the first thirty years or more of the monastery (see the Mémoires de la Soc. A cad. de l'Aube [1864], ch.i., 163).

page 173 note 1 Manriquez calls the place Unicus, the Bollandists give Vivificus from a Utrecht MS., and Mabillon gives Vivicus (Ann. Bened. v. 219 [n. 100]), which he identifies with Vivier, a vicus four leagues from Molesme, near Landreville, and in the archdeaconry of Lassois.

page 173 note 2 Book iv. of the Gesta; ii. p. 380 ff. of Dr. Stubbs's edit. (Rolls Series 90).

page 174 note 1 It consisted of two brethren (were they Alberic and Stephen?) according to William of Malmesbury.

page 174 note 2 The abbot (i.e. Robert) decided that they must seek for the ‘medulla’ of the rule.

page 174 note 3 See Robert, , Abbot of Mt.-St.-Michel, Tractate in Recneil, xiv. 381Google Scholar.

page 174 note 4 The Bollandists, quoting Brito, give the letter from a MS. of the Cistercian monastery of Alcobaça, in Portugal (see April, vol. iii., p. 665, D, E); so, too, apparently the reply (ibid.).

It was Stephen who drew up the agreement between the Molismenses and the Alpenses in 1097. See the text of the agreement given ‘ex archivo Molismensi,’ as No. 45 of the documents in the appendix to Mabillon's, Annales Betted. v. 663Google Scholar. Among the witnesses was Stephen, ‘per cujus manum scriptum est.’ So he was probably the scribe of the monastery of Molesme.

page 175 note 1 The Duke acknowledges the letter from Robert conveyed 'per manus modestissimi viri Stephani socii vestri,’ so Stephen had evidently made a good impression on the Duke.

page 175 note 2 Probably some idea of Raynard's attitude would be gained by a business-like person like Stephen, though there is no historical record of such a visit. Raynard's grant, of course, is made later.

page 175 note 3 One of the earliest editions of this is edited with notes by Ign. Finn, de Hibero (i.e. abbot of Hibero) and published 1610, folio; there is a rather careless copy in Dugdale's, Monasticon Anglic. (1661), ii. 695–702Google Scholar, and (1846) v. 220 ff.; there is a copy with a letter of Innocent, ‘Cum paci,’ in Labé, vol. i. (1657), from a manuscript in the Jesuit library of the College of Claremont, Paris; it is also in Migne, , Patrol. Lat. vol. clxvi.Google Scholar, col. 1501 ff.; in the Recueil des Historiens des Gaules et de la France, xiv. pp. 109–13 (but not in full), and in Guignard's careful transcript from the Cistercian MS. in the archives at Dijon, , in Analecta Divionensia, series i., No. 6 (vol. x.), 1878Google Scholar, Dijon (Rabutot). Also in Tissier, , Biblioth. Cisterc. i. in the 1892Google Scholar edition of the Nomasticon Cisterciense etc.

page 176 note 1 See Tissier, , Bibliotheca Patrum Cislerciensium, vol. i., pp. 13–246, 263Google Scholar; see also Migne, , Patrol. Lot. clxxxvGoogle Scholar., col. 995 ff.

page 176 note 2 Callia Christ, iv., col. 887–891, bishop 1080–1120 (or 1121?): his letter is one of those quoted in the Exordium Parvum.

page 176 note 3 Jaffé (revised ed.). Paschal died January 21, 1118.

page 176 note 4 According to the MS. at Foigny, from which Tissier, , Bibl. Pair. Cist. i. 13Google Scholar, took his text.

page 176 note 5 There were two Conrads, abbots of Eberbach: (1) in 1221, and (2) 1369–1371. But several of the monks mentioned in the Exordium Magnum were known to the writer, and some of these monks had known St. Bernard (died 1153), so that the writer must be the first Conrad. The Gallia Christ, v. 656 says Conrad, was abbot from 1213 till 1226 (the date of his death), but according to Baär, , Eberbach, pp. 141Google Scholar and 522 ff., he was abbot only from May to September 1221, though his death did not occur till later. The writer had been a pupil of Gerardus, prior of Clairvaux, who became abbot of Eberbach, 1170 (or 1171)–1177 (Bär, p. 141), so that very probably Tissier's MS. note is correct.

page 177 note 1 As he states that he is a monk of Clairvaux (Dist. i., ch. x.; Tissier, Bibl. i. 24).

page 178 note 1 Twenty-one monachi with Robert, Exord. Parv.; Ordericus Vitalis, viii. 25 (in Du Chesne, Hist. Norm. Script.) says twelve, which would seem to be the strict number according to St. Benedict's advice, though the reformers might perhaps neglect it, as it is not written down in the rule. Sirius gives twenty-two in addition to Robert (Apr. 29); Robert of Mont-St.-Michel (Recueil, xiv. 381) says:‘Recessit ab eis cum viginti et uno sibi assentientibus’; and the Mortuum Mare addition to Sigebert (Pertz, vi. 463), representing a Cistercian tradition, says: ‘Unus et viginti monachi una cum patre ipsius monasterii… egressi’ etc. If it were not for the monachi of the Exordium Parvum, it might be suggested that an abbot and twelve monks did go forth in regular style, and the others were conversi, or lay brethren. Caesarius of Heisterbach in Dialogus Miraculorum ( Tissier, , Bibl. Pair. Cist. ii. 3)Google Scholar says there were ‘viginti et unus monachi cum patre suo.’

page 178 note 2 See Petit, , Hist. des Dues de Bourgogne, i. 413Google Scholar (note), quoting the Cartulary of Molesme, i. fol. 51°, in the archives of the Côte-d'Or.

page 178 note 3 John and Ilbodus (or Hilbodus) are sent in 1100 to Rome, and it is improbable that a freshly joined untried novice would be sent, and so Ilbodus must have been one of the original twenty-one.

page 178 note 4 His name occurs close to Nivelo's, and he is called monachus, and no outsider had yet apparently entered Citeaux; but he is not called one of the monks of Cîteaux, any more than Nivelo is in the charter cited by Petit, i. 412–13.

page 178 note 5 At least this is all that the monks of Molesme demand back with Robert; they would certainly have demanded anything of value. See Hugo's letter to the Bishop of Langres in the Exordium Parvum.

page 179 note 1 Menologium, p. 92.

page 179 note 2 Janauschek, , Orig. Cist. I. xivGoogle Scholar. ff., points out what is not meant by the foundation. The date of the foundation is not to be reckoned (A) the day of (i) departure from mother-house, (ii) the laying of foundations, (iii) consecration of the church, or (B) the date of granting of deeds of gift—these are often (i) before and (ii) after actual foundation; (C) Date of decree of chapter general, as this, as a rule, was only given where the house came over from another order; (D) letters of popes or bishops as dated. The foundation is rather dated from (I) occupation of (a) finished buildings or (b) site; (II) migration to house built for another order–look for the dies ingressus. If this cannot be discovered, then try and gather it from (i) dies egressus, (ii) adventus aliquot fratrum, (iii) inaugurationis dies, (iv) dies scriptarum fundationis literarum, (v) dies incorporationis, (vi) dies literarum a papis vel episcopis datarum. See also MissCooke, A., in English Hist. Rev. for 1876Google Scholar, on this matter.

page 179 note 3 i. 249.

page 179 note 4 iv. 106; but p. 980–I they give the traditional date.

page 180 note 1 Dist. I., ch. xiii., it adds on Palm Sunday, which seems really to end the question in favour of 1098.

page 180 note 2 In Pagius' additions to Baronius. The Bollandists, April 3, p. 666, A and B. Tertz gives a version of Gaufridus de Collone (SS. Germ. xxvi. 616), an adaptation of the above.

page 180 note 3 Urban II. died July 29, 1099 (see Jaffé, Reg. Pontif.), so that the time, March 21–July 29, is all too short for the abbey of Molesme to have been inconvenienced by the cessation of donations for the monks to have resolved on again applying to Rome (they would surely not do this until forced by great extremity), and for their journey to Rome, application for relief, etc.

page 180 note 4 Ruueil, xiv. 381.

page 181 note 1 Janauschek, Orig. Cist. i. I, accepts the usual date 1098, as he adds ‘on Palm Sunday.’ His authority in things Cistercian is great, though he does not appear to have discussed the special point. The official document, the ‘Exordium Magnum,’ dates the foundation Palm Sunday, March 21, and the two events are coincident only in 1098 for many years either before or after, so that, as stated before, the matter admits of little doubt, unless it is argued that in a hundred years the traditions of foundation were forgotten and remanufactured.

page 181 note 2 The Exordium Parvum says, after describing the coming to Citeaux, they got the consent of the bishop of Chalon and began to construct their monastery.

page 181 note 3 See the charter given on the occasion of the consecration of the church. The only complete text of this and its addendum is in de Chesne, A., Dues de Bourgogne, Preuves, p. 23 ffGoogle Scholar. In Gallia Christ, iv. Instr. 233–4, the names of witnesses are omitted. The first part is in full in the Menologium of Henriquez, , p. 92Google Scholar. The Bollandists give selections, Apr. iii., 666, B and C.

page 182 note 1 Henriquez and the Bollandists call him ‘Raynardus.’

page 182 note 2 Henriquez, , Fasciculus, p. 4Google Scholar, claims that Robert's father, Theodoric, was of the line of the German emperors and dukes of Burgundy, while his mother, Emergardis, was of the family of the counts of Nevers. These last were by marriage connected with the dukes of Burgundy.

page 182 note 3 The Namasticon Cisterciense (1892, Solesmes) refers to Paradinus for this (p. 55, note 1).

page 183 note 1 See Mabillon, , Ann. Betted, v. 394Google Scholar.

page 183 note 2 All this was done ‘by his orders.’

page 183 note 3 Was this the ferula pastoralis subsequently Stephen's, the one preserved ‘in Secretario Cisterciensi’ in the time of the writer of Exord. Magn. i. 18?

page 183 note 4 Foundation charter, Chesne, A. du, Dues de Bourgognt, Preuves, p. 23fGoogle Scholar.

page 184 note 1 Le Lutrin, ii., 258 (Didot, , 1840)Google Scholar.

page 184 note 2 Or Gaufridus.

page 184 note 3 Known as ‘Molismensium fratrum’; given in the Exordium Parvum; also in Mansi, xx. (1775), col. 967–8.

page 185 note 1 In the arrondissement of Villefranche (Guignard), Portus Ansillæ (Exordium Parvum); but there is another reading, Petra-scissa (i.e. the castle of Pierre-seise at Lyons) given by Tissier, Manriquez, de Ybero. See Guignard, Analecta Divion., Pref. lviii., note (2).

page 185 note 2 The date of the council is uncertain. Brial in a note (Recueil, xiv. no) says, quoting Bertholdus Constant (in note i): ‘In concilio Romæ an. 1099, tertia hebdomada post Pascha celebrato.’

page 185 note 3 Quidam, Exordium Parvum. The Bollandists feel that a noble abbot ought to have chaplains with him, so they (Apr. iii. 667, F) give him two companions, following Sirius, ii. 281, col. i.

page 185 note 4 Two leagues from Molesme (see Bolland, Apr. iii. 672, D).

page 186 note 1 Quotation from MS. Chartulary of Cîteaux, by Fetit, , Dues de Bourgogne, i. 250Google Scholar.

page 186 note 2 There is no record of any other business transacted, and its composition seems to show that Hugo had ‘whipped up’ any available ‘viri religiosi, honesti, et boni testimonii’ that could attend.

page 184 note 3 William Godell's Chronicle (he wrote c. 1173) in Recueil, xiii. 673; the Mortemar add. to Sigebert (Rec. xiii. 263, D and E), speaks of nine years' service, though making 1107 the year of Alberic's death. Exordium Parvum says Alberic died ‘in schola Christi per novem annos et dimidium regulari disciplina exercitatus.’

page 184 note 4 Mabillon (Ann. Ben. v. 531) supports this date. January 26 is the day in the calendar universally assigned as the day of his death, so that may be taken as fairly certain.

page 184 note 5 Ed. 1902, p. 58, note i; I year, 3 or 4 months. Robert of Mt.-St.-Michel (Rec. xiv. 381) says that Robert was at Cîteaux ‘aliquamdiu.’

page 185 note 6 Ordericus Vitalis, viii. (written probably before 1128): ‘Albericum … Joanni ac Hilbodo Atrebatensibus, aliisque viginti duobus fratribus abbatem Cistercii constituit.’ Henriquez (Fasc. p. 18, Dist. ii., ch. i.) says that twelve or thirteen monks stayed with Alberic and duly elected him abbot. The fratres of Ordericus may include conversi, but Henriquez does not know much about Alberic until the time of his request for Papal confirmation of Citeaux and its principles.

page 187 note 1 The authorities seem to imply that both Robert and the Pope at least suggested a successor (see Orderic. Vital, as above), Robert being the subject of the sentence. Robert of Mt.-St.-Michel (Rec. xiv. 381) says that the Pope ‘abbati jussit … ut regeret; ac in alio quod postmodum incœperat quemlibet de suis idoneum substitueret’; but this may only be an echo of Urban's rescript, so the Mortuum Mare add. to Sigebert (Pertz,.M. vi., 643–4).

page 187 note 2 In all probability. Cf. Henriquez, , Fasc. i. 2, IGoogle Scholar.

page 187 note 3 In the charter in Mabillon, , Ann. Bened. v. 663Google Scholar, ‘Albericus prior’ is a witness; and Exord. Parvum, ‘quique prioris officium … gerebat.’

page 187 note 4 Citizens of Arras: Atrebatenses, , Orderic. Vital, viii. 25Google Scholar. Ilbodus is also called ‘Ilboldus’ in Dugdale's version.

page 188 note 1 At all events they kept up a fierce attack on them, as Hugo's letter shows.

page 188 note 2 That must be the explanation of the extreme poverty of the house soon afterwards, and all through Alberic's tenure of the abbacy, though in ihe later part of it Odo was away at the Crusades (Nomast. Cisterc. 1902, 55, note 1; quoting Paradinus).

page 188 note 3 They are given in full in the Exordium Parvum, as is also the joint epistle of the two cardinals.

page 188 note 4 For these cardinals see Riant, , VOrient latin, i. 716Google Scholar; according to the biographical note of Geoffroi de Chalard inserted in the anonymous life in the twelfth century. ‘Paschalis … misit dominum Johannem et socium ejus Benedictum, cardinales Romane ecclesie, in Galliarum partes’ etc.

page 188 note 5 In the bull Desiderium quod.

page 189 note 1 The exact date of the bull is uncertain: it is dated Trojæ, and is in 1100, but the rest of the date is confused. Henriquez, , Fasc. p. 23Google Scholar (Dist. i. 2, 4), gives xiv. Kal. Maii (i.e. April 18); the Bullarium Magn. Roman. (Cherubini, ), i. 30–1Google Scholar, Kalendas Maii (the xiv. seems omitted by mistake), and in margin ‘Dat … die 81 (sic) Apr.’ Henriquez, (Reg: p. 52)Google Scholar is the same as the Fasc.; but it is known that Paschal was at Rome on April 14 and 20 (see Jaffé, , Regestr. i. 706)Google Scholar and May 1, so that he is hardly likely to have been 150 miles off at Troja on April 18, or the monks to have pursued him there. Jaffé assigns the bull to xiv. Kal. Nov., i.e. October 19, but without assigning a reason. Paschal is at Rome on May 6, and then took a tour round the Papal cities in S. Italy and elsewhere (see Pertz, SS. iii. 183), and was ‘in Melfi’ in October, so that he had probably made the round Benevento-Apulia (Troja), Salerno-Amalfi; but he was at Salerno, August 8 ( Ughelli, , It. Sacra, vii. 395)Google Scholar and August 30, and as he most likely had come round from Apulia and Benevento (the city had proved rebellious and was excommunicated by him, so he would probably have visited it first), the Desiderium quod seems to be before August—perhaps June 18—but no certainty seems attainable.

page 190 note 1 Because a monk ‘a secularibus actibus se facit alienum.’

page 190 note 2 The rule bade them receive strangers as Christ Himself.

page 190 note 3 ‘Episcopi licentia.’ This was a note of difference between the Cistercians and the ordinary Benedictines: the Cistercians in early years courted the bishop's approval wherever they settled.

page 191 note 1 Perhaps hardly new; but the fratres who were not monachi, and took part in manual labour, do not seem of much account under the original Benedictine rule, and so this may be described as a new departure, at all events in the importance attached to it. See H. d'Arbois de Jubainville, Etudes sur l'éFtat intér. etc.

page 191 note 2 As to these properties see the Transactions of Congrés Sc. de Fr. ii. 355–60.

page 191 note 3 See the regulations for the conversi in Martène, and Durand, , Novas This. Anecd. iv.Google Scholar, printed at the end of the Statuta Capituli Generalis, col. 1647 ff.

page 191 note 4 ‘Homines etiam mercenarios’ (Exord. Parv. § 15 fin.).

page 191 note 5 This is not in the Regula, but is a scrupulous attempt to conform to St. Benedict's practice; it was usually followed, as for instance in the foundation of Molesme (Sirius, Apr. xvii.), but there seem to have been exceptions.

page 191 note 6 So called, as they merely consisted of commentaries on the rule, having, of course, the force of a special command.

page 191 note 7 The difference between a diffinitio and statutum lay in the provision of rules as regards the inner and outer life of the society. A diffinitio rather dealt with the difficulties of the spiritual life, and collections of these were promulgated from time to time, and a statutum concerned itself rather with questions of external organisation, though both might be combined in a book of Uses.

page 192 note 1 See Gaillardin, Les Trappistes.

page 192 note 2 Cf. Grsevius and Burm., Thes. Anliq. et Hist. Italiœ iv., pt. I; Chronicon Ambros. Mediol. Basil, pp. 283–4.

page 192 note 3 On this see Mabillon, , Ann. Bened. v. 531Google Scholar.

page 192 note 4 The account of Alberic is wanting in the Exordium Magnum.

page 192 note 5 ‘In schola Christi per novem annos et dimidium regulari disciplina feliciter exercitatus migravit’ etc. Presumably this refers to the time of his rule. The Exord. Magn. in Recapit. at end of Dist. vi. (Tissier, p. 243) says ‘Stephanus… qui decimo anno instituti Cisterciensis Ordinis pastoralis curae officium … suscipiens,’ where tenth must mean when ten years had been completed. Mabillon, , Ann. Bened. v. 531Google Scholar, and Nomast. Cisterc. (1892), Pref. v., give January 26, I log, as the date of his death; Sartorius, Feb. 26 (surely a misprint) (see Cistercium Bis-tertium, 12), as Alberic is commemorated on Jan. 26, and tradition claims his death on that day, it may reasonably be assigned to that day. There is no exact means of verifying the year of Alberic's death, if the note of the Exord. Parv. refers only to his connection with the monastery. The date 1109 suits perhaps better than any other year. Stephen must have been abbot by 1109, see Orderic. Vitalis, viii., 714 A (Du Cange). Godell's, Chronicle (Recueil, xiii. 673)Google Scholar, written about 1173, says Alberic ruled 9½ years as abbot.

page 193 note 1 See Mabillon, , Ann. Bened. v. 53Google Scholar. No original authorities are quoted.

page 193 note 2 See Mabillon, l.c.

page 193 note 3 The Bollandists. Henriquez, in his Life of Alberic etc. (see the Fasciculus).

page 193 note 4 Regula, § 5.

page 194 note 1 See the account of the adoption of the white habit by S. Romualdo in MrsJameson, , Legends of Monastic Orders (Longmans, 1850, p. 122)Google Scholar.

page 194 note 2 William of Malmesbury, , Gesta Regum, iv. (p. 380 of No. 90 of Rolls Series, edit, by Stubbs, Bishop)Google Scholar, has a long account of Stephen and his regulations at Ctteaux. Godell, W. (Rec. xiii. 673)Google Scholar places Stephen's accession in the tenth year after Alberic's rule of 9 J years. He puts Robert of Molesme's death in 1110 (April 17, sic), and says that this was Stephen's second year; but the Mortemar addition to Sigebert(Hid. 263, D and E) assigns Alberic's death to 1107, clearly antedating it. Cf. Cardinal Newman in English Saints, iii.: Stephen Harding; the life of Stephen from the Acta Bolland. is in Migne, , P. L. 166, col. 1361 ff.Google Scholar, but is too uncritical.

page 194 note 3 There are several Hardings in the Domesday of Wiltshire and Dorset. In the Dorset Domesday a Norman has displaced a Harding of Edward the Confessor's day, and this might account for Stephen's exile to Scotland. See Appendix to Hist. of Dorset, vol. iv., edit, by Hutchins, J.Google Scholar (‘non ita reconditis natalibus procreatus,’ William of Malmesbury).

page 194 note 4 The locality is not stated.

page 194 note 5 See the account in William of Malmesbury of how they daily sang through the whole of the Psalter.

page 195 note 1 Mabillon says Stephen was prior, but this is clearly improbable (see Ann Bened. v. 531). In 1097 Alberic was prior, and Stephen (probably Stephen Harding) is only described as a monk. See the document in Mabillon, , Ann. Bened. v. 663Google Scholar.

page 195 note 2 Cf. Speculum Hist. Vincent. Bellovac, lib. xxv., c. 94; and Migne, , P. L. 166Google Scholar, col. 1363, A. It is probably the case, though none of the early documents mention his being prior.

page 196 note 1 See all the details in William of Malmesbury, and the Exordium Parvum, § 17Google Scholar, and Exord. Magn. Dist. i., ch. xv.

page 196 note 2 ‘Sermone comis, facie jucundus.’ William of Malmesbury would hardly have invented such touches: he may very well have seen Stephen at some time or at all events gathered his materials from those who had been in close contact with Stephen.

page 196 note 3 This is among the regulations given by William of Malmesbury.

page 196 note 4 Platus, , for instance (De Bono Statu Relig. i. 34)Google Scholar, mentions St. Robert and St. Bernard as the two founders of the order. Bernard greatly ‘amplified’ the order.

page 197 note 1 Exord. Parv. § 17, and so Exord. Magn. Dist. i., ch. xv. This took place in 1113. See Exord. Magn. i. 16 end ( Migne, , P. L. 166Google Scholar, col. 1014, B), ‘quinto decimo demum a constitutione domus Cisterciensis anno’ etc. So, too, William of S. Theodoric in his life of Bernard, S. (Recueil, xiv. 362)Google Scholar, giving date 1113. He says, ‘Amplius quam triginta.’

page 197 note 2 See Sartorius, Cistercium bis-tertium, though certainly the Carta Caritatis, called Cîteaux mater of others, ii. § 4.

page 197 note 3 Cf. Mabillon, , Ann. Bened. v. 587Google Scholar; and Manriquez (quoted by the Bollandists; see Migne, , P. L. 166Google Scholar, col. 1370, B), giving the account from the Tabularium Firmitatis.

page 197 note 4 Called Gaudelricus and Gulielmus, ‘comites.’

page 198 note 1 Date from Tabularium Firmit.; cf. Janauschek and his references.

page 198 note 2 Stephen had arrived on the 16th with Bertrandus, the abbot-designate, and his twelve companions. Gualterus, bishop of Chalon, performed the consecration ceremony, the bishop of Langres being also present (Tabularium Firmitatis, I.e.).

page 198 note 3 See Exord. Magn. i. 21 (Migne, 166, col. 1017, A).

page 198 note 4 See Roberti de Monte Chronica (Pertz, SS. vi. 500, and Recueil, xiv. 518, note d); in 1151 the chapter of CJteaux decided to stop founding new abbeys, because the number ‘processerat ad quingentas fere abbatias.’

page 198 note 5 Janauschek does not give 500 authentic houses in all by the end of the fifteenth century; nor until the latter half of the twelfth century did the nunneries become numerous.

page 198 note 6 Monasterium Firmitatis supra Grosnam situm.

page 198 note 7 About four leagues from Auxerre; the original documents of Pontigny are printed in Marténe and Durand, , Nov. Thesaur. Anecdot. iii. 1221 ffGoogle Scholar.

page 199 note 1 See the Gallia Christiana, xii. 439.

page 199 note 2 Exord. Magn. ii. 1. The Bollandists ( Migne, , P. L. 166Google Scholar, 1371, B & C): ‘Anno ab Incarnatione millesimo centesimo decimo quinto, septimo Kalendas Julii fundataest abbatia Clarse-vallis: eodem anno & eodem dieabbatia Morimundi.’ (From a ‘chronologia’ of Clairvaux.)

page 199 note 3 Exord. Magn. vi. Recapit. (Tissier, p. 243; Migne, I.e. col. 449). See references in Janauschek, i. 3.

page 199 note 4 Vita, i., S. Bern., in Migne, , P. L. 166Google Scholar, col. 241, ch. v.

page 200 note 1 Bernard worked hard with the lowliest of his house on the land. See the incident quoted from the Gesta Pontif. Atitissiod. 1115–1136, quoted in Congrls Sc. de Fr. (1858), pp. 354 ff.

page 200 note 2 Chifflet seems wrong in ascribing both to 1114. See Janauschek, (Chifflet in Migne, P. L. 185Google Scholar, cols. 1535–8).

page 200 note 3 See note on p. 31, 2; so the Chronicle of Clairvaux; but see Janauschek, i. 3 and 4.

page 200 note 4 For the history of Morimond see Dubois, Morimond.

page 200 note 5 See Albericus ad ann. 1110, as given in Recueil, xiv. 362 (note i.).

page 200 note 6 Dues de Bourg. i. 312. Firmitas (La Ferté) to the S., Pontigny to the W., Clairvaux to the N., Morimond to the E. Not quite exactly at the four cardinal points, perhaps, but near enough to be noticeable.

page 200 note 7 Petit, , Dues de Bourg. i. 312Google Scholar.

page 201 note 1 Perhaps this statement is a little strong, as of the first sixteen houses in Janauschek's list three are in the diocese of Langres.

page 202 note 2 See Roberti de Monte Chronic, ad ann. 1151 (i.e. 1152), in Pertz, 55. vi., 500. The chapter general decided to build no more new houses ‘sine majori consilio.’

page 202 note 1 Cf. Exord. Mag., dist. i., chs. vii. and ix., on Cluny and its fall from high ideals.

page 202 note 2 By this is meant merely that in elections etc. all professed monks had the same theoretical rights, though often practically the matters were decided by the powers in authority; and again at the annual chapters general apart from the question of precedence the proceedings were nominally of a democratic-or ought it to be called oligarchic?—character.

page 202 note 3 I.e. in the Carta Caritatis ( Migne, , P. L. 166, 1380)Google Scholar, ii. § 9, the superiors are called ‘abbates’; and cf. Guliehnus' (1st) Life of St. Bernard, ch. v. ‘Quibus abeuntibus ipsum etiam dominum Bernardum præfecit abbatem’ etc.

page 202 note 4 Cf. Carta Carit. ii. § 9: ‘quattuor primi abbates,’ and ib. iv. § 19.

page 202 note 5 Exord. Mag. i. 21 (Migne, l.c., 1017, B and D), ‘consilio fratrum suorum’ and ‘cum conniventia coabbatum et fratrum suorum.’

page 202 note 6 Decretum, , Exord. Magn. i. 21Google Scholar, and the old introduction to the Carta, Car. Nomast. p. 68Google Scholar. Tissier, , B.C. i. 9Google Scholar, calls it a ‘decretum.’

page 202 note 7 ‘Preface, v. (ed. 1892. The 1664 ed. I have not been able to see).

page 203 note 1 It must be after the foundation of Morimond, i.e. after the end of 1115. Mabillon, says (Ann. Bened v. 617)Google Scholar that the first general chapter was held in 1116 (on what authority is not clear), and that thenceforward it was held yearly, and that the Carta Carit. was probably drawn up at the first two chapters general, though not published till the fourth (sic); but at the time of the fourth, i.e. in 1119, the document was presumably in the hands of the Roman Curia, and so can hardly have been published in that year, as it would be too late for confirmation that year by the chapter general, being confirmed by the Pope in December, unless Mabillon refers to the authorisation by the chapter general, held early in the year (which would be contrary to the usual practice), to get Papal recognition of the document.

page 203 note 2 ‘Antequam abbatiae Cistercienses florere inciperent,’ etc. As in most editions of the Carta Caritatis, e.g. in Guignard, Anal. Divion., Migne, , P. L. 166, 1377Google Scholar, Nomastic. Cisterc. (ed. 1892), p. 68 etc.

page 203 note 3 Ann. Bened. v. 617.

page 203 note 4 There are no records extant of the earlier chapters general.

page 203 note 5 The wording of Exord. Magn. i. 21, is too indefinite for any theory of chapters general previous to 1119 being built upon it ( Migne, , P. L. 1017Google Scholar, D); nor do Martene, and Durand, , Nov. Tkes. Anec. ivGoogle Scholar., Pref. iv., give any authorities for their assertion of chapters general before 1119.

page 204 note 1 The previous bull of Paschal in Alberic's time founded Cîteaux as a permanent institution; the Carta Caritatis founded the order, or at least put it on a permanent and carefully organised basis.

page 204 note 2 It was confirmed later by Eugenius III., Anastasius IV., Adrian IV., Alexander III., and on several other occasions (see Nomast. Cisterc. ed. 1892, Pref. v.).

page 204 note 3 The date is given in Henriquez's, copy (Regula, p. 52Google Scholar, Privilegium, ii.).

page 204 note 4 Ch. i., § 1.

page 204 note 5 The yearly attendance is noted in the Exord. Magn. as one of the most important of the regulations of the Carta Caritatis (i. 21; Migne, § D).

page 205 note 1 Even the abbot of Cîteaux could be deposed by the chapter general, as was done in the case of Stephen's successor, Wido or Guido, often omitted in lists of abbots of Cîteaux (see Exord. Magn. i. 23).

page 205 note 2 The Carta Caritatis was imitated by other monastic groups, e.g. by the Benedictine house of Calesium in the diocese of Grenoble, and its offshoots of Alba Vallis, Lura, Boscodunum, Tornamia, etc., at a chapter general held at Calesium in 1148 (see the document in Martene, and Durand, , Nov. Thes. Anec. v. 1211 ffGoogle Scholar.

page 205 note 3 Or Liber Usuum (see Nomast. Cistetc. Pref. v.).

page 205 note 4 And the Magnum Exordium, i. 21; at least the capitula mentioned as being in the Liber Diffinitionum may refer to these Uses, though the reference might conceivably be to the Carta Caritatis itself.

page 205 note 5 Such arrangements there must have been; and see Guignard's Preface.

page 205 note 6 E.g. in giving details of manner of singing hours, the tones in use, etc. William of Malmesbury probably wrote this part about 1125 (see Dr. Stubbs's Introduction).

page 205 note 7 See Ordericus Vitalis, viii. 25 ( Migne, , P. L. 188Google Scholar, col. 641). Raynard succeeded in 1134 to the abbacy, and by that time sixty-five abbeys had sprung up.

page 206 note 1 Printed under the title of ‘Consuetudines’ in Guignard, , Anakcta Divion. pp. 250–75Google Scholar, or in slightly different order in Migne, , P.L. 181Google Scholar, col. 1723 ff. Selections called ‘antiquissima statuta capituli generalis ordinis Cisterciensis’ are given by Martene, and Durand, , New. Thes. Anec. iv. 1243–4Google Scholar. They are obviously selections from these older Uses, selected for some purpose, though why they should have been preserved in the library of the monastery of B. M. de Josaphat at Chartres is not so obvious.

page 206 note 2 The numbers vary from Visch's 1,000 and Paradinus's 1,800 to Henriquez's 10,000. See Fasc. p. 11, and Menolog. p. 91; and Bollandists, April 29 (iii.), COL 662.

page 207 note 1 Richard, , Archbishop of Canterbury and legate, Ep. 96Google Scholar.