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The Renaissance of the First Century and the Origin of Standard Late Greek

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 July 2017

Martin J Higgins*
Affiliation:
The Catholic University of America

Extract

Greece, once the mother at whose feet European civilization sat and learnt, has ever quickened to the inspiration of her own past. When at intervals her learning and literature have languished and all but died out, her steadfast awareness of her ancient glory has always stirred in her a new impulse and a new life. How like her, then, on the morrow of her emancipation from the Turk, to look back to the period of her greatness for an answer to the problem confronting her! Reborn Greece needed desperately a common tongue. She had at her disposal only local patois, and possessed neither a national literature nor a national language. It had been preeminently the strong sense of a history, the reawakening of the age-old urge to vie with antiquity, that had kindled her to revolt against her overlord. To revive the idiom of classic Athens, to make it the symbol and bond of a resurgent Hellas appealed irresistibly to the enthusiastic patriotism of the victors. Others with equal ardor espoused the cause of the vernacular. Thus arcse the strife over the katharevousa and the demotike, an ever-recurrent conflict of never reconciled elements in the nation's psychology, the tug of the past over against the insistence of the present.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © 1945 by Cosmopolitan Science & Art Service Co., Inc. 

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References

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25 Cited from Horn (n. 11) 146.Google Scholar

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33 Cf. Hermann's tabulation, 41–49. Hermann looks at the conditions from the exclusively juridical point of view, and accordingly classifies as an expected eventuality. As we have seen above, there was a personal reason for the optative in this clause. If we remove it and analogous examples from Hermann's list, we have left but one instance in which, among the upwards of 1,000 protases analyzed by him, the mood appears in a desirable contingency, GDI 3217.10 (Priesthood XV, 84–59 B. C.). Lejeune, p. 39 n. 88, quotes Delph.3(6) 95, but with the indicative, not the optative. This is certainly the identical inscription in a later edition, but I cannot be sure of this because the latest fascicules of Fouilles de Delphes were inaccessible to me.Google Scholar

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36 Edd. supply some such word as Google Scholar

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41 Cf. note to passage, p. 201.Google Scholar

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55 Supra, p. 70.Google Scholar

56 Supra, p. 59.Google Scholar

57 Supra, pp. 60–63.Google Scholar

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59 Supra, p. 73.Google Scholar

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67 The following enumeration is complete to 400 A. D., positis ponendis; cf. supra, n. 34. Horn (n. 11) 64 cites BGU iii.811.7f., but the condition is eliminated by the correction in the same volume. Berichtigungsl. I, 168 reads the indicative in PGen.79.10. BGU i.326. ii. 9 and PLips.50.14 are editorial restoration.Google Scholar

68 Mayser (n. 34) II, 1, 293; 3, 88 and I, 285 n. 4; 3, 86 is strongly tempted to eliminate these subjunctives by emendation. However, the fragmentary P Zen. Col.ii.114b is unmistakably a pure subjunctive and establishes them.Google Scholar

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77 Supra, n. 39.Google Scholar

78 Note the lack of concord in this and the previous example, an odd constructio ad sensum. Google Scholar

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82 Stahl, (n. 17) 292; Hermann (n. 12) 279 n., 283.Google Scholar

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85 Only three examples of the optative in the relative clause, P Lille 3.38, BGU vi. 1253.10, and P Petr ii.13(5) 1, are mentioned by Mayser (n. 34) II, 1, 292; 295 y and Anm. 4, resp. The optative in P Petr depends on conjecture and has been variously emended, Berichtigungsl. II, 2, 108. The text of BGU vi.1253.10 also offers considerable difficulty: when they had this bit of business attended to, in their insubordination they seized the cattle and absconded with them, with intent to dissipate whatever our wealth had accumulated. The papyrus is mutilated and the lacuna indicated has been read variously, What I make of the passage is that the serfs on an estate had rebelled and taken vengeance on their masters in wanton destruction. So far as I can see, the only text that would give sense is The optative is iterative. Finally, in P Lille 3.38 even if we took the form as optative, it differs in no way from δóρaτa with all the spears that a man could just manage to carry,—X. An. 5.4.25 (quoted from Smyth 574), a characteristic potential.Google Scholar

86 Supra, p. 72.Google Scholar

87 This very mutilated papyrus has been quoted here because the optative in this formula is very well attested later, Horn (n. 11) 146f.Google Scholar

88 Ibid.; Harsing (n. 10) 37Google Scholar

89 This peculiarity of the papyri has been previously noted: Blass-Debrunner (n. 7) 209; most of the above exx. are already cited by J. H. Moulton, Grammar of New Testament Greek I (3 ed. Edinburgh 1908) 169, 239.Google Scholar

90 Hermann, (n. 12) 14.Google Scholar

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92 Sister Rose de Lima (n. 13) 2.Google Scholar

93 For Lucian, , Schmid, , Atticismus (n. 5) I, 620; for Basil, J. Trunk, De Basilio Magno sermonis attici imitatore (Wissenschaftliche Beilage zum Jahresbericht d. kgl. Gymn. Ehingen a. D. für d. Schuljahre 1907/08 u. 1910/11, Stuttgart 1911) 56. The statement about Gregory Nazianzen rests upon my own observation.Google Scholar

94 Supra, p. 62.Google Scholar

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98 Schmid, Atticismus (n. 5) I, 244.Google Scholar

99 Op. cit. (n. 1) 5f.Google Scholar

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103 Mayser (n. 34) II, 1, 296.Google Scholar

104 Op. cit. (n. 10) 57Google Scholar

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106 Ibid. II, 59; IV, 90.91; I, 244.Google Scholar

107 Ibid. IV, 85; I, 244.Google Scholar

108 Ibid. IV, 599.Google Scholar

109 Ibid. 589.Google Scholar

110 Ibid. I, 35.Google Scholar